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III. The basis of regional relations in South Caucasus
Table 2 The evalation of relations between the states of South Caucasus
Scale of evaluation
1: more friendly than tense interstate relations
2: friend interstate relations
The china’s promotion of national identity
Iv. studii internaţionale
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III. The basis of regional relations in South Caucasus


South Caucasus is a very heterogeneous region. Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan, due to deep historical causes and political conflicts, are likely to hold different vectors in their course of foreign policy. In this chapter key features of interstate relations of South Caucasian states will be analyzed and their evaluations provided.

Armenia‘s foreign policy is based on the principle of complementarism. To say other words, Armenia in it’s foreign and security policy relies on more than one or a group of powers, frequently – contradictious, to guarantee implementation of national interests. Complementarism – one of the most optimal foreign policy models for a state, which finds itself in such hostile regional conditions like Armenia.

Interstate relations with Azerbaijan were broken from year 1992, when war action in Nagorno Karabakh began. Although cease-fire agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan was signed in year 1994, it has not led to the normalization of interstate relations.

Turkey, which supports Azerbaijan, does not maintain any kind of interstate relations with Armenia either. What is more, Turkey has even closed interstate border with Armenia. But hostile Turkish-Armenian relation can be explained not only by problems in Armenian-Azerbaijani relations. Turkey and Armenia also have mutual tensions: they disagree about the interpretation of hostilities in Ottoman Empire during First World War, when 1,5 mln. armenians died. Armenia calls it genocide, at the same time Turkey interprets hostilities as a consequence of Armenian partisan movement in Ottoman Empire.

Georgia – the only South Caucasus state, with which Armenia maintains friendly relations. Good interstate relations with Georgia for Armenia, which has no interstate ties neither with Azerbaijan nor with Turkey, is of primary importance, because Georgia – the only exit for Armenia northwards (exit eastwards is being blocked by Azerbaijan, westwards – by Turkey). Nevertheless, several sources of potential tensions are being observed. The first tension – poor socioeconomic situation in armenian-populated region of Samcche-Dzhavakheti (Southern part of Georgia). Government of Armenia accuses Georgia of unfair distribution of state aid and investments, as well as of lack of measures for minority protection. At the same time Georgia expresses it’s dissatisfaction that Armenia is provoking revolutionary tendencies amongst armenians of Samcche-Dzhavakheti region. Second source of interstate tensions – economic and communicational projects, bypassing Armenia. For example, Armenia claims railroad project Kars-Akhalkalaki-Tbilisi-Baku, which is now being implemented, to be clear political, because very similar railroad line would already exist, if part, connecting Gyumri (Armenia) to Kars (Turkey), would be renovated.

Critically hostile relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey are compensated by very close relations with Iran. Although Armenia understands, that Iran is not the most reliable partner, Iran remains one of rare possibilities of Armenia to hold „balance of relations“. Armenia-Iran relations have historical-political grounds: during the war in Nagorno Karabakh (1992-1994), Iran widely supported Armenia. Iran also provides Armenia energy alternative: rhe gas pipeline Iran-Armenia is already operating. For this Armenia reacts tolerantly to various „excesses“ of Iran in international arena.

Nevertheless Armenia and Russia has no common border, Armenia is that country, in which influence of Russia is strongest (for this sometimes named as „Russian Israel“). Friendly bilateral relations between the states mostly have reached the level of strategic partnership. Armenia was the first state of South Caucasus to enter the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), is actively participating in Russia-dominated Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). Russia for Armenia – mostly the only security guarantee. For this Armenia is satisfied with the dislocation of Russian armed forces in Gyumri military base. For Russia the fact that Armenia does not seek the membership in NATO is of primary importance. Also Russia is one of the most important trade partners for Armenia. But it is very important to mention, that pro-russian position of Armenia is not natural (determined by geopolitical orientation and gravitation) but shaped by the regional conditions. Armenia, which is being isolated by neighbor countries, has no other possibility, just to rely the strongest state in the region.

Azerbaijan, which Z. Brzezinsky names as a „regional center“, holds extremely hostile relations only with Armenia. Friendly relations with Russia are maintained, but they are full of tensions. First, Russia supported Armenia in the war in Nagorno Karabakh: provided armenians with weapons, financial aid and food supplies. Second, increased Russian military involvement in Armenia (in 2006 part of armaments of Russian military base in Akhalkhalaki (Georgia) was relocated to Gyumri (Armenia) military base) raises concerns from Azerbaijan side. Third, Russia is not likely to accept independent energy policy of Azerbaijan, particularly it‘s initiatives in projecting pipelines, bypassing Russia.

Relations between Azerbaijan and Iran can be described as normal interstate relations. The main stimulus for cooperation - Iran is providing energy resources to Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic. But there are plenty of points of tensions in Azerbaijan-Iran mutual relations. First, wide diaspora of azeris is present in the territory of Iran: the number of ethnic azeris in Northern Iran exceeds 30 mln., at the same time number of inhabitants of Azerbaijan is slightly bigger that 8 million. Iran is aware of revival of conception of “Great Azerbaijan”, which can foster separatist tendencies in Iran. It is necessary to mention, that such tendencies were seen after the fall of USSR. Political opposition of Azerbaijan in it’s declarations uses the term “Southern Azerbaijan”, which refers to the territory of Iran. Second, Iran supported Armenia during the war in Nagorno Karabakh. Third, religious dogmatism of Iran is not acceptable to Azerbaijan. What is more, Iran provides support for muslim organizations in Azerbaijan, what by Azerbaijan, a secular Muslim state, is not required. One of the strongest source of tensions at this day – disagreement on the legal status of Caspian sea. The littoral states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Russia and Iran) disagree, whether Caspian sea, which geographically is a lake, legally can be recognized as a sea. The main difference between those types of status of Caspian sea – distribution of hydrocarbons and other sea resources between littoral states. If Caspian sea is recognized to be sea, than all resources would be distributed to states, according to regime of continental shelves. But if the status of Caspian sea is considered to be a lake, than all hydrocarbons and other resources must be divided to all littoral states equally. The problem is that Iran has no relevant hydrocarbon resources in it’s continental shelf, and biggest reserves of hydrocarbons are located in the continental shelves of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan. At the day Iran is the only littoral state, which “freezes” the negotiations on resolving the problem of legal status of Caspian Sea. Until the disintegration of USSR, all Caspian sea was recognized as a lake and all resources were divided equally between USSR and Iran.

Bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Georgia can be characterized as very tense and close. The platform for the closeness of interstate relations – big amount of huge economic interstate projects (oil pipeline Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan, gas pipeline Baku-Tbilisi-Erzurum, railroad Jars-Akhalkhalaki-Tbilisi-Baku and other). Mutual understanding is strengthened by the fact, that both states have tense relations with Russia (for example, Azerbaijan always provides assistance to Georgia during so called “energy crises”).

Azerbaijan relations with Turkey can be described as close to strategic partnership. Azerbaijan and Turkey share cultural and lingvistic commonalities. What is more, both states due to advantageous geopolitical position, are involved in international economic and communicational projects.

Main regional enemy of Georgia – Russia. Georgian-Russian relations were always tense, but, after Mikhail Saakashvili came to president post in year 2003, they became deteriorating. Main source of tensions in mutual relations of Georgia and Russia – separatist regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia in Georgia, which Russia seeks to use to punish Georgia for it’s pro-western ambitions.

Bilateral relations of Georgia-Iran and Georgia-Turkey depends on the common geopolitical context and the development of various interstate economic projects.

The evaluation of bilateral relations of state of South Caucasus is given in the table below.


Table 2

The evalation of relations between the states of South Caucasus

and neighborhood states:
Armenia
Azerbaijan
Georgia
Russia
Turkey
Iran

Armenia



-3
2
3
-3
3

Azerbaijan
-3



3
-1
3
1

Georgia
2
3



-2
2
1


Scale of evaluation:

-3: none or mostly none interstate relations are maintained (interstate bordes are closed, trade and diplomatic relations are not maintained, societies of both states are exceptionally antagonistic one to other);

-2: tense interstate relations (both diplomatic and trade relations between states are maintained, interstate borders are operating, but relations between states are very tensed: misunderstandings are frequent, states often apply different sanctions to each other);

-1: more tense than friendly interstate relations (normal interstate relations are maintained, the amount of conflicts is not high, but, due to deep historical causes, states do not share mutual trust);

1: more friendly than tense interstate relations (normal interstate relations are maintained, the stimulus to deepen the relations exists, but several historical causes act like a threshold for harmonic development of interstate relations);

2: friend interstate relations (tense interstate relations are maintained, states share mutual trust, but, time from time, several interstate tensions may arise);

3: relations, close to strategic partnership (very close interstate relations: states share wide mutual trust in all spheres and supports each other‘s action in international arena).


To sum up the evaluations, given in the table, kind of „regional political capital“ of the state is provided (Armenia – 2, Azerbaijan – 3, Georgia – 6). As we see, Georgia is the most flexible state of the region, Armenia – most inflexible.


Conclusions

The region of South Caucasus – strategically important are for the great powers. Till the end of Cold War this region was dominated by Russia, but after the collapse of USSR South Caucasus fall into „grey zone“, which is characterized by the vacuum of power, what means, that none of great geopolitical actors has s control of the region. What is more, several years ago USA and EU, which former had no clear-shaped interests or historical relations with this region, became more and more involved in the cooperation with the states of South Caucasus.

In the case of South Caucasus, global and regional actors differ by one aspect: global actors have no deep historical ties with the states of South Caucasus and their motives for closer cooperation are grounded by rational reasons only: democratization, ensuring security and stability in the region, fighting the threats of „new type“. At the same time regional geopolitical actors are connected with the states of South Caucasus by deep historical ties. Usually historical ties help states to develop bilateral relations. It is a paradox of states of South Caucasus, that deep historical ties are connected not with intersocial ties, but with intersocial offences and interstate disagreements, that‘s why historical ties acts like a threshold, not a catalyst of bilateral relations. The only exception in this framework is Russia, which, according to it‘s relational and structural power, is global geopolitical actor, but, evaluating the approach to relations with the states of South Caucasus – regional geopolitical actor.

States of South Caucasus are interested in deepening relations with EU and USA to compensate tense relations with the states of region. If the possibility of development ties with global geopolitical actors (USA and EU) would be absent, the region of South Caucasus would be deeply divided by competing regional geopolitical actors.109


Bibliography:
  1. Begoyan Anush, United States policy in teh South Caucasus: securisation of the Baku-Ceyhan project. Iran and the Caucasus, Vol. 8, No. 1, 2004.
  2. Cohen Saul Bernard. Geopolitics and the world system. -New York: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Inc, 2003.
  3. Gachechiladze Revaz Geopolitics in the South Caucasus: Local and external players”. Geopolitics. Vol. 7, No. 1 (Summer, 2002).
  4. Herd Graeme P., Fotios Moutsakis, Black Sea geopolitics: dilemmas, obstacles and prospects. Conflict study research centre, UK Ministry of Defence, G84, July 2000.
  5. Kotaniyan Hayk. Armenian security and U.S. foreign policy in the South Caucasus. The quarterly journal, Vol III, No.2, June 2004.
  6. Mehtiyev Elkhan Perspectives of the security development in the South Caucasus, Peace and cooperation resolution center. –Baku.
  7. Smith, M.A., Geopolitical challenges to Moscow in the Transcaucasus. F67, Conflict studies research center, UK Ministry of Defence, 1999.
  8. Бжезинский Збигнев. Великая шахматная доска. -Москва: Международные отношения, 1999.
  9. Дугин Александр. Основы геополимики. Книга 1, часмь 5, глава 4. litika.ru/geop12.php">
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  11. Мирзаев Рустам. Геополитика нового Шелкового пути. -Москва: Известия, 2004.



THE CHINA’S PROMOTION OF NATIONAL IDENTITY

THROUGH “PEACEFUL RISE” STRATEGY110


Liang XU,

doctorand,

Catedra Relaţii Internaţionale,

FRIŞPA, USM,

People`s Republic of China


Международный статус Китая возрастает по мере укрепления его внешней политики в процессе развития отношений с Западом. В 2001г. Китай становится членом Всемирной торговой организации, а в 2008г. - хозяином и организатором Олимпийских игр. Эти и другие достижения внешнеполитической деятельности Китая становятся предметом гордости всего народа. Автор представляет в настоящей статье некоторые аспекты укрепления взаимодействия и взаимосвязи международных стратегий и национальной идентичности в рамках внешней политики Китая.


The fact that the presidents of the two giant nations can feel comfortable enough to politely disagree on a number of points in their joint press conference in ссылка скрыта is a sign of the maturing of the Sino-US relationship. The two sides can comfortably face their differences on issues such as human rights and US military action against ссылка скрыта, showing that the two men is more able than ever to accommodate differences. Sino-US relations haven't always been easy; tensions over the spy-plane incident, US arms sales to ссылка скрыта and the 1999 bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade all resulted in difficult times. But the China’s leaders have been able to smooth over the tensions and keep the lines of communication with the US open. Washington, for its part, has worked to move China policy beyond crisis-management. The most important step: Taking annual reviews of the relationship off the political calendar. Until the Clinton administration changed this a couple of years ago, there would be an escalation of tension when China's Most Favored Nation trade status came up for review and the US threatened sanctions over human rights abuses or intellectual-property piracy or the sale of weapons. None of those concerns has gone away, and important differences remain. But they're now being pursued in a less confrontational way.

China's status in the international community and its impact in international affairs have been further enhanced, thanks to the country's consistent pursuance of the independent diplomatic policy of peace. Understanding the origins and forces shaping China's foreign policy provides a framework in which to view both the changes and the continuities in Chinese foreign policy from 1949 to the late 1980s. The origins of China's foreign policy can be found in its size and population, historical legacy, worldview, nationalism, and Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. These factors have combined with China's economic and military capabilities, governmental structure, and decision-making processes to make certain foreign policy goals prominent: security, sovereignty and independence, territorial integrity and reunification, and economic development.

China's peaceful rise is a ссылка скрыта doctrine of the ссылка скрыта in the early ссылка скрыта. Many of the ideas of the peaceful rise of the PRC come from the ссылка скрыта, which was formulated in the PRC in the mid-ссылка скрыта. The term itself was first used in a speech given by the former Vice Principal of the ссылка скрыта, in late ссылка скрыта during the ссылка скрыта. It was then reiterated by ссылка скрыта ссылка скрыта in an ссылка скрыта meeting as well as during his visit to the ссылка скрыта. It appears to be one of the first initiatives by the ссылка скрыта of the leadership of the PRC, headed by ссылка скрыта and ссылка скрыта. On some occasions, the term China's peaceful development is used instead.

In the past, a rise of a new power often resulted in drastic changes to global political structures, and even ссылка скрыта (i.e. the ссылка скрыта in ссылка скрыта). Why this took place because these powers "chose the road of aggression and expansion, which will ultimately fail." In today's new world, the PRC should instead develop peacefully, and in turn help to maintain a peaceful international environment. The content of the policy is also widely seen to reflect a more cosmopolitan and sophisticated outlook on the part of PRC's foreign policy establishment after the leadership transition in 2003.

The term is used primarily to reassure the nations of ссылка скрыта and the United States that the rise of the PRC in ссылка скрыта and ссылка скрыта prominence will not pose a threat to peace and stability, and that other nations will benefit from China's rising power and influence.

The doctrine emphasizes the importance of ссылка скрыта and is based in part on the premise that good relations with its neighbors will enhance rather than diminish the ссылка скрыта of the PRC. Part of this doctrine is that the PRC will have an economic policy different from that of ссылка скрыта during the ссылка скрыта, will avoid ссылка скрыта and ссылка скрыта, and that nations outside of mainland China will be able to materially benefit from China's economic rise through trade and investment. As such, China's participation in the ссылка скрыта is important. In diplomacy, the doctrine emphasizes multilateral cooperation through institutions such as the ссылка скрыта concerning ссылка скрыта and the ссылка скрыта.

The basic principle of China's foreign policy was to guarantee independence, freedom and territorial integrity of the state, support protracted world peace and friendly cooperation among peoples of all countries in the world, and oppose imperialist policies of aggression and war. China adheres to an independent foreign policy as well as to the five principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other's internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence in developing diplomatic relations and economic and cultural exchanges with other countries; China consistently opposes imperialism, hegemony and colonialism, works to strengthen unity with the people of other countries, supports the oppressed nations and the developing countries in their just struggle to win and preserve national independence and develop their national economies, and strives to safeguard world peace and promote the cause of human progress.

Following these policies over the past 50 years, China has actively engaged in foreign activities, and in handling foreign affairs. China has made sustained efforts to developing friendly cooperative relations with all countries and in safeguarding world peace, and has made its contribution in these fields too.
  • Maintaining Independence and Safeguarding National Sovereignty

China had suffered imperialist aggression and oppression for over 100 years before the founding of the People's Republic in 1949. Therefore, China regards the hard-earned right of independence as the basic principle of foreign policy.
  • Opposing Hegemony and Safeguarding World Peace

The common aspiration of the Chinese people as well as the people of the world is to maintain peace and to eliminate wars. After the World War II, the United States and the Soviet Union desperately engaged in arm races and regional domination in order to contend for world hegemony. As a result, they caused severe threat to world peace. The Chinese government has constantly opposed arm races and regional domination, and actively stood for the complete prohibition and destruction of nuclear weapons and great reduction of conventional weapons and military troops. China decided in 1985 to reduce one million troops within two years and signed the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons in 1992. All these received favorable international comments.
  • Upholding the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence

The five principles of peaceful coexistence were put forward in line with the reality of a multi-polar world. Respect to sovereignty is the most fundamental principle in a new type of international relations. Mutual non-aggression means to get rid of the threat of using arms and armed threat in the internal relations among countries. Non-interference in each other's international affairs is the most important principle in international relations to guarantee each country's right to take care of its own internal affairs and prevent any other country from interfering with any means. Equality and mutual benefit mean political equality, economic equality, cooperation, mutual benefit and supplement to each other's needs. Peaceful coexistence calls on all countries to seek common interests, reserve differences, respect each other, maintain friendly cooperation and live in harmony regardless of differences in their social systems and ideologies.
  • Strengthening Solidarity of the Developing Countries, and Together Opposing Imperialism and Colonialism

It is a great cause of the people in the developing countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America that account for three-quarters of the total population of the world, to take the road of independence and development. China has constantly held that supporting the just demands of the developing countries and safeguarding solidarity and cooperation among the developing countries is its international duty. Whenever the developing countries suffer external aggression and interference, China is ready to give its support. Many leaders of the developing countries regard China as a "tested friend" and a "reliable friend".
  • Improving Relations with Developed Countries to Promote Common Progress

On the basis of the principle of peaceful coexistence, China has constantly stood for establishing and developing relations with developed countries, and regarded improving the relations with developed countries and promoting development with them as an important task of China's foreign affairs. The establishment of the diplomatic relations with France in 1964 broke the policy of Western countries to isolate China. In the 1970s the world situation experienced a great change, the United States had to readjust its policy on China, and China also readjusted its policy on the United States. This resulted in a breakthrough of the long antagonism between China and the United State, and the normalization of diplomatic relations between the two countries through common efforts. Meanwhile, China established diplomatic relations and strengthened friendly cooperative ties with other Western countries successively. This further brought about a new situation in China's foreign affairs.
  • Removing External Interference, Promoting China's Reunification

Hong Kong and Macao have been inseparable parts of China since ancient times. China does not recognize unequal treaties imposed by imperialist powers. Regarding the issue of Hong Kong and Macao left over by history, China has constantly held the position of peaceful settlement through negotiations at a proper opportunity.

In order to accomplish China's reunification, Deng Xiaoping put forward the concept of "one country, two systems". The delegations of the Chinese and British governments finally reached an agreement after 22 rounds of talks, and formally signed the Joint Declaration on the Question of Hong Kong and three appendixes. Hong Kong returned to the embrace of the motherland on July 1, 1997. The Chinese and Portugal governments formally signed the Joint Declaration on the Question of Macao and two appendixes in 1984 after they reached an agreement through four-round talks. China will resume its exercise of sovereignty over Macao on December 20, 1999.

Taiwan is an inalienable part of Chinese territory. People of the two sides of the Taiwan Straits are looking forward to the realization of China's reunification. China resolutely opposes the "independence of Taiwan", the attempt to create "two Chinas" or "one China, one Taiwan". Chinese leaders call on Taiwan authorities to enter into political negotiations with the mainland at an early date. On the premise that there is only one China, the two sides of the Straits should end the state of hostility, and improve the relations between the two sides to accomplish the reunification of the motherland.

In recent years, China's leaders have been regular travelers to all parts of the globe, and the PRC has sought a higher profile in the UN through its permanent seat on the ссылка скрыта and other multilateral organizations. Closer to home, the PRC has made efforts to reduce tensions in Asia; it has contributed to stability on the Korean Peninsula, cultivated a more cooperative relationship with members of the ссылка скрыта (ASEAN) (ссылка скрыта, ссылка скрыта, ссылка скрыта, ссылка скрыта, ссылка скрыта, ссылка скрыта, ссылка скрыта, ссылка скрыта, ссылка скрыта), and participated in the ASEAN Regional Forum. In 1997, the ASEAN member nations and the People's Republic of China, South Korea and Japan agreed to hold yearly talks to further strengthen regional cooperation, the ссылка скрыта meetings. In 2005 the "ASEAN Plus Three" countries together with ссылка скрыта, ссылка скрыта and ссылка скрыта held the inaugural ссылка скрыта (EAS).

China has improved ties with ссылка скрыта. ссылка скрыта and ссылка скрыта, in large part to serve as a counterbalance to the ссылка скрыта, signed a ссылка скрыта in ссылка скрыта.The two also joined with the Central Asian nations of ссылка скрыта, ссылка скрыта, ссылка скрыта, and ссылка скрыта to found the ссылка скрыта (SCO) in June 2001. The SCO is designed to promote regional stability and cooperate to combat terrorism in the region.

ссылка скрыта have also improved considerably. After years of competition, China and India are finally starting to collaborate in several economic and strategic areas. Both countries have doubled their economic trade in the past few years and China is expected to become India's largest trading partner by ссылка скрыта. The two countries are planning to host joint naval exercises to strengthen defense partnership. In ссылка скрыта, China and India settled a major ссылка скрыта dispute through dialogue. China recognized ссылка скрыта as a part of India while India recognized ссылка скрыта as part of the PRC. However, the dispute over ссылка скрыта and ссылка скрыта and China's military aid to Pakistan, India's arch-rival, continues to plague Sino-India relations.

The PRC has a number of border and maritime disputes, including with Vietnam in the ссылка скрыта, with a number of countries in the ссылка скрыта, as well as with ссылка скрыта. Beijing has resolved many of these disputes, notably including a November 1997 agreement with Russia that resolved almost all outstanding border issues and a 2000 agreement with Vietnam to resolve some differences over their maritime border, though disagreements remain over some islands in the South China Sea.

During the late 1990s and early 21st century, Chinese foreign policy appeared to be focused at improving relations with Russia and Europe in order to counterbalance the United States. This strategy was based on the premise that the United States was a hyper power whose influence could be checked through alliances with other second tier powers such as ссылка скрыта or the ссылка скрыта. This assessment of United States power was reconsidered after the United States intervention in ссылка скрыта, and as the 20th century drew to a close, the discussion among ссылка скрыта in China involved how to reorient Chinese foreign policy in a multi-polar world. This discussion also occurred in the context of China's ссылка скрыта which argued that the post-Cold War era required nations to move away from thinking in terms of alliances and power blocs and toward thinking in terms of economic and diplomatic cooperation.

The shift away from a balancing strategy could be seen in China's actions after the ссылка скрыта, the ссылка скрыта, and the accession of ссылка скрыта. Although there were some initial fears that American intervention in Afghanistan and Iraq would lead to an increase in American power and the encirclement and tighter containment of China, the actual consequence was a shift in focus by the United States to the Middle East, which resulted in a desire to avoid crises in East Asia. After the ссылка скрыта, the ссылка скрыта in the United States which argued that China was the largest security threat to the United States became much more muted.

China was instrumental at brokering talks with ссылка скрыта over its nuclear program, and in 2003, there was a concerted effort by China to improve relations with the ссылка скрыта nations and form a common East Asian market. These foreign policy efforts have been part of a general foreign policy initiative known as ссылка скрыта. Much of the new diplomatic activity appears to be the result of a change in China's self-image. With the accession of the fourth generation of Chinese leaders, China appears to be seeing itself less as a victimized developing nation, but rather more as an assertive but responsible regional power. In 2005, there has been talk of the ссылка скрыта lifting its ссылка скрыта, however the United States has objected to this.

China was a representative of new power. The rise of China is the law of development of history, and Peaceful Rise is the optimum choice for promotion of national identity in global world. Today long for the peace is the keynote of the development of human society, though, there are a lot of unstable factors to challenge the dream of harmonious development of human society. China made the political course of the Peaceful Rise was on basis of the full analysis of current international circumstances and the accurate comprehension of all people’s ideal in the world. The type of the Peaceful Rise should become the pattern for other countries which look forward to building harmonious international relations. The China’s Peaceful Rise is not only a pattern of state policies, but also a philosophical decision for solving the international issues. This idea is the reflection of Chinese traditional culture, there are rooted theories in the Chinese traditional culture as equality, non-force and harmony, we can say in one word to express the quintessence of the Chinese traditional culture – quiet. The “Quiet” is the nature of Chinese people, thus, Peaceful Rise is the inevitable choice for all people who accept Chinese traditional culture. Today the course of globalization is as more as faster, and the relationship among the counties become closer. The globalization supports an exchange platform for different cultures, and this platform is a great chance and occasion to demonstrate the quintessence of Chinese 5000-years’ traditional culture.


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IV. STUDII INTERNAŢIONALE

ÎN CURRICULUM-UL UNIVERSITAR