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39;t let you do that to us," Clinton joked, and they went ahead and pressed the button anyway. "So thats how things have turned out," says Dmitri Rogozin, Russias envoy to NATO. "They pressed the wrong button, and over time the relationship was overloaded. So far the right button still hasnt been pressed." It didnt look that way in the beginning. There was hope in the first few months of Obamas presidency that the bad blood from the Cold War and the George W. Bush years could be washed away with little more than a push of a button. For example, on Obamas first visit to Moscow, last July, President Dmitri Medvedev agreed to allow U.S. weapons and personnel to pass through Russian airspace en route to Afghanistan. It was a huge relief to American troops, who had been trucking most of their supplies through the death trap of Pakistans Khyber Pass. Since it was granted without any favors in return, the deal looked like more than the usual horse trading. It was a gesture of goodwill. Less than three months later, there was another breakthrough. On Sept. 17, Obama scrapped the Bush Administrations plan to build a missile shield in Eastern Europe, which had been seen by Russia as a blatant military threat. Even Prime Minister Vladimir Putin was impressed. He had been icy toward Obama during their July meeting - there were certainly no hugs and smiles like the ones he gave Irans President in Tehran in 2007. But in September, Putin called Obamas decision to ax the missile shield "correct and brave," and Russias threat to "neutralize" Bushs plan by aiming rockets at Europe was quietly put aside. The Russian public also started coming around. According to surveys by the Levada Center, an independent pollster, only 28% of Russians said they had a negative view of the U.S. in the wake of the decision, down from 55% when Obama was elected. But inside the Russian government, the trend was going in the opposite direction. Medvedev and other liberals still felt trust for Obama and seemed ready to meet him halfway. But conservatives - mainly old-school apparatchiks, security chiefs and former KGB officers like Putin - began to express their doubts about the reset in relations. "Its been frustrating," the U.S. senior official tells TIME on condition of anonymity. "We came in with an aggressive reset mentality, and it was not necessarily shared by everyone in the Russian government. The Russians are overwhelmed by all the things we want to do tomorrow, and they say, Lets take time." Rogozin puts the matter more bluntly. "Medvedev sincerely believes that Obama can be trusted," he tells TIME. "But that doesnt mean this opinion is shared at every level, especially the levels where the implementation of their agreements is borne out." This reality - the disconnect between what Medvedev pledges and what Russia does - has eroded the spirit behind the reset strategy as well as its practical objectives. Take, for example, the delays in completing the START treaty, which aims to cut the worlds two biggest nuclear arsenals by a third. Last July, Obama and Medvedev signed a preliminary deal and appointed negotiators to work out the details. Obama said the deal would be finalized by the end of 2009. But that deadline has come and gone, and no new time frame has been set. Even the agreement on the military transports has gotten tangled up in its implementation. On paper, the deal allows 4,500 U.S. military flights over Russia per year, but so far this year, there have been fewer than 100. Perhaps more disturbing is the return of Cold War rhetoric ahead of Clintons visit. The most alarming exchanges have centered on a new missile shield being proposed by Obama to protect against threats from Iran and North Korea. The new shield would be built farther away from the Russian heartland, but it has still roused the same fury from Moscow, which last month renewed its threat to point tactical missiles at Europe. And in December, Putin suggested the possibility of a new arms race between the Cold War foes. (See action-figure pictures of Vladimir Putin.) Sergei Markov, a conservative parliamentarian from Putins United Russia Party, says these escalations point to the conservative camps main problem with the U.S.: a lack of trust. "There are people at the top who see Obama as just a temporary man who will soon be replaced by another," Markov tells TIME. "There are people at the top who say this reset is all just a trick, that if we go along with it, they will begin pushing for maximum limitations on Russias influence." Conservatives also want something in return, he says. "What Russia wants is to be recognized as a great power in the region, a power that defends all its regional interests. But Washington is so far denying Russia this status." (Read "Russias Moves Raise Doubts About Obamas Reset. ") How Clinton will deal with the growing tensions remains to be seen. But Obamas dream of wiping the slate clean and seeking real pragmatic ties with Russia has begun to look naive. And its becoming increasingly clear which Kremlin faction is calling the shots. Американо-российские отношения: нужна новая перезагрузка ("Time", США) Саймон Шустер (Simon Shuster) 17/03/2010 Избрание Барака Обамы вызвало в российских политических кругах разную реакцию. Многие руководители с любопытством ожидали, какие сделки он предложит. А остальные, действуя в традициях "холодной войны", проигнорировали его, назвав очередным рупором старой американской элиты. Если кто-то из них и пережил приступ обамамании, то он тщательно это скрывал. Поэтому вовсе не удивительно, что стремление Обамы отложить в сторону старые обиды и начать заново строить отношения с Москвой натолкнулось в последние месяцы на упорное сопротивление Кремля. Видимо, госсекретарю Хиллари Клинтон предстоит тяжелое испытание, когда она 18 марта прибудет в Москву с двухдневным визитом, потому что, как заявил один высокопоставленный представитель администрации Обамы, "мы определенно допустили перегрузку в сети этих взаимоотношений". Для Клинтон само слово "перегрузка" является напоминанием о том, где все пошло не так. В марте прошлого года ей была предоставлена честь начать "наступление очарования" Барака Обамы, и она тогда подарила своему российскому коллеге Сергею Лаврову маленькую красную кнопку. На ней должны были написать русское слово "перезагрузка", и этот безобидный подарок имел целью просто повеселить участников встречи. Но из-за ошибки в написании, допущенной где-то в кабинетах госдепартамента (предположительно, в департаменте хитроумных механизмов и трюков), Лаврову пришлось объяснять, что на самом деле, на кнопке написано слово "перегрузка". Его объяснение вызвало неловкий смех. "Мы не позволим, чтобы вы это делали за нас", - пошутила Клинтон, и они вместе все-таки нажали на эту кнопку. "Так все и получилось, - говорит представитель России в НАТО Дмитрий Рогозин, - они нажали не на ту кнопку, и со временем в отношениях произошла перегрузка. Пока что на нужную кнопку так и не нажали". Но вначале так не казалось. В первые месяцы президентства Обамы были надежды, что враждебность времен "холодной войны" и периода правления Джорджа Буша можно устранить буквально простым нажатием кнопки. Например, во время первого визита Обамы в Москву в июле прошлого года президент Дмитрий Медведев дал согласие на то, чтобы США перебрасывали свое оружие и личный состав в Афганистан через российское воздушное пространство. Для американских военных это было огромное облегчение, потому что большую часть предметов снабжения им приходилось перевозить через пакистанский перевал