Программа 66-ой научно-практической конференции студентов, магистрантов и аспирантов белорусского

Вид материала

Содержание

Research methods for communication and culture
What can go wrong?
Rights, values, and needs
The situation
Improving Intercultural Communication
Styles of Communication
Aggressive Communication
Passive Communication
Passive-Aggressive Communication
So now what?
Секция Актуальные проблемы перевода
Особенности перевода философско-правовых текстов
The u.s. position on palestinian-israeli peace prpcces
The Libyan Approach to the Palestinian Peace Process
TURKEY AND ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT (Theses)
International customs conventions
Fighting against smuggling
Sources of the Customs Law in context of Belarusian Customs Legislation
Секция «Деловые культуры в международном бизнесе»

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Research methods for communication and culture

Direct and indirect interactions ensure that culture is passed from person to person and from generation to generation. The research methods are predominantly ссылка скрыта and ссылка скрыта, observing behaviour without considering the reasons behind it, and cataloguing the types of behavior identified as common within each culture. Data collection by observation is the primary method because intervention by the observer to ask for an explanation of the behaviour may produce unreliable ссылка скрыта data and skew future behaviour when individuals are aware that they are being observed.

What can go wrong?

People from different cultures encode and decode messages differently, increasing the chances of misunderstanding, so the safety-first consequence of recognizing cultural differences should be to assume that everyone's thoughts and actions are not just like ours. Such assumptions stem from potentially devastating ignorance and can lead to much frustration for members of both cultures. Entering a culture with this type of ethnocentrism, the assumption your own culture is correct, is another byproduct of ignorance and cultural misunderstanding.

Main types of misunderstanding are:

Rights, values, and needs

Some cultural characteristics will be easy to identify, e.g. whether people are conscious of status or make displays of material wealth. But many rights are assumed, values are implied, and needs are unspoken, (e.g. for safety, security, love, a sense of belonging to a group, self-esteem, and the ability to attain one's goals).

For example, issues of personal security, dignity, and control will be very different as between an abled and a disabled person. Similarly, there may be problems of respect when a person from a rigidly class-based culture meets a meritocrat, or where there is racism, sexism or religious intolerance in play. In such situations, ссылка скрыта is fundamental when disputing the proper role or "place" of the other, about who is in control of their lives, and how they present themselves to the outside world. The relationships between racial or ethnic groups may be affected by economic jealousy. Nations may assert that their political systems are superior. Such conflicts are difficult to resolve because no-one wants to be the loser, and few are willing to share the winnings. Hence, what may appear ссылка скрыта or ссылка скрыта to one group can often seem unjust to an opposing group.

Assumptions

People may misinterpret each other's motives. For example, one group may assume that they are simply exchanging information about what they believe, but the other believes that they are negotiating a change in behavior. This is most likely to arise when the parties are not completely honest with each other from the outset. Individuals may wish to protect their ссылка скрыта, corporations may be concerned about ссылка скрыта, and politicians may be bound by requirements of secrecy in the national interest. Nevertheless, clarifying the purpose of the interaction is essential to eliminating confusion, particularly if ссылка скрыта are involved.

The situation

If time is not a factor and those interacting approach their meetings with good will and patience, effective communication is more likely. But, if the parties are under pressure (whether generated by external circumstances or internal needs), emotions may colour the exchange. ссылка скрыта is a short-cut decision-making tool. In a crisis, fear and anger may trigger more aggressive tactics, particularly if the meeting is being staged under the gaze of the news media.

Improving Intercultural Communication

It is essential that people research the cultures and communication conventions of those whom they propose to meet. This will minimise the risk of making the elementary mistakes. It is also prudent to set a clear agenda so that everyone understands the nature and purpose of the interaction. When language skills are unequal, clarifying one's meaning in five ways will improve communication:

avoid using slang and idioms, choosing words that will convey only the most specific denotative meaning;
listen carefully and, if in doubt, ask for confirmation of understanding (particularly important if local accents and pronunciation are a problem);
recognise that accenting and intonation can cause meaning to vary significantly; and
respect the local communication formalities and styles, and watch for any changes in body language.
Investigate their culture's perception of your culture by reading literature about your culture through their eyes before entering into communication with them. This will allow you to prepare yourself for projected views of your culture you will be bearing as a visitor in their culture.

Styles of Communication

Every time we speak, we choose and use one of four basic communication styles: assertive, aggressive, passive and passive-aggressive.

Assertive Communication

The most effective and healthiest form of communication is the assertive style. It's how we naturally express ourselves when our self-esteem is intact, giving us the confidence to communicate without games and manipulation.

When we are being assertive, we work hard to create mutually satisfying solutions. We communicate our needs clearly and forthrightly. We care about the relationship and strive for a win/win situation. We know our limits and refuse to be pushed beyond them just because someone else wants or needs something from us. Surprisingly, assertive is the style most people use least.

Aggressive Communication

Aggressive communication always involves manipulation. We may attempt to make people do what we want by inducing guilt (hurt) or by using intimidation and control tactics (anger). Covert or overt, we simply want our needs met - and right now! Although there are a few arenas where aggressive behavior is called for (i.e., sports or war), it will never work in a relationship. Ironically, the more aggressive sports rely heavily on team members and rational coaching strategies. Even war might be avoided if we could learn to be more assertive and negotiate to solve our problems.

Passive Communication

Passive communication is based on compliance and hopes to avoid confrontation at all costs. In this mode we don't talk much, question even less, and actually do very little. We just don't want to rock the boat. Passives have learned that it is safer not to react and better to disappear than to stand up and be noticed.

Passive-Aggressive Communication

A combination of styles, passive-aggressive avoids direct confrontation (passive), but attempts to get even through manipulation (aggressive). If you've ever thought about making that certain someone who needs to be "taught a thing or two" suffer (even just a teeny bit), you've stepped pretty close to (if not on into) the devious and sneaky world of the passive-aggressive. This style of communication often leads to office politics and rumour-mongering.

So now what?

Clearly, for many reasons, the only healthy communication style is assertive communication. Most of us use a combination of these four styles, depending on the person or situation. The styles we choose generally depend on what our past experiences have taught us will work best to get our needs met in each specific situation. If you take a really good look at yourself, you've probably used each throughout your lifetime.

Understanding the four basic types of communication will help you learn how to react most effectively when confronted with a difficult person. It will also help you recognize when you are using manipulative behavior to get your own needs met. Remember, you always have a choice as to which communication style you use. If you're serious about taking control of your life, practice being more assertive. It will help you diffuse anger, reduce guilt and build relationships - both personally and professionally.

Секция Актуальные проблемы перевода

Экспрессивная функция эпитетов в общественно-политических текстах

Уроднич Е. студ. 4 к., науч. рук.: Растишевская Е.В.

В повседневной жизни немаловажное значение имеет экспрессивная речь, которая отражает настроение, отношение к окружающему миру и людям. Несомненно, эпитет в наибольшей степени позволяет создать такую экспрессивность как в обычной речи, так и в общественно-политических текстах.

Общественно-политические тексты характеризуются экспрессивностью языка, выражением отношения к передаваемой информации, расстановкой оценочных акцентов, наличие оценочных эпитетов; прямых обращений к читателю. На основе анализа публичных выступлений президента США Ф. Рузвельта можно выделить следующие особенности эпитетов в общественно-политических текстах:

Роль эпитета в общественно-политических тестах могут исполнять различные виды троп: эпитет той или иной мере берет на себя функции метафоры, олицетворения, сравнения, метонимии и др.
Экспрессивная функция эпитетов заключаются в том, чтобы усилить воздействие на слушателя (читателя) путем повтора и усиления значения; характеристики определяемого лица, предмета или явления; произведение эстетического и эмоционального впечатление на слушателя (читателя).
В общественно-политических текстах нашли распространение простые эпитеты, составные, сложные эпитеты, а также «постоянные» эпитеты.
Общественно-политические деятели редко прибегают к цветовым, световым и осязательным решениям. Выражение отношения к определенному политическому или общественному явлению происходит через спонтанно возникшие сложные словосочетания и ассоциативные ряды.

Таким образом, эпитет является основным средством, с помощью которого создается образность, экспрессивность, оценочность и на основании этого выявляется индивидуально-оценочное отношение оратора к предмету речи. Этим также определяется его высокая информативная значимость в общественно-политических текстах.

Перевод общественно-политических текстов, в частности выступлений и официальных заявлений политических и общественных деятелей, требуют от переводчика изучения не только того, о чем идет речь в тексте, но также и понимание менталитета и стиля изложения оратора с тем, что бы правильно передать политическое настроение и не исказить смысл переводимого текста.

Особенности перевода философско-правовых текстов

Роман Шпаковский, студ. 4 к., рук. И.Н. Ивашкевич, доцент

Как правило, философско-правовые тексты характеризуются следующими особенностями:

сложными предложениями;
специальной, часто авторской, лексикой и концептами;
вкраплениями узкоспециальной лексики, как правило, в области социологии, экономики и юриспруденции.

Специфика философско-правового текста требует от переводчика сохранение чистоты мысли автора, даже в ущерб точному переводу текста. Тексты такого рода позволяют переводить, опираясь исключительно на понимание сути проблемы, употребление стандартных переводческих правил ограничено.

Основной проблемой при переводе философских правовых текстов является перевод концептов, которые могут быть как отраслевыми, так и авторскими. Сложность перевода концепта обусловливается тем, что на языке исходно текста смысл концепта будет пониматься в рамках определенной традиции, возможно нескольких классических текстов автора. При переводе на иностранный язык весь научный и культурный смысл концепта может потеряться. Во-первых, это может произойти из-за совершенно иного смысла, который имеет данный термин в отечественной традиции. Во-вторых, базовый текст, объясняющий содержание концепта, может быть не известен.

Таким образом, перевод глобальных концептов автора становится основной задачей переводчика, его выбор влияет на восприятие читателем всего текста и его смысла в зависимости от нагрузки.

В этой ситуации возможны два варианта:

Поиск наиболее адекватного перевода;
Сохранение концепта оригинала.

По моему мнению, наиболее приемлемым является сохранение термина оригинала (начертанием исходного текста) либо калькирование. Это позволяет следующее:

сохранить строгость терминологии. Юристы мыслят терминами, и одно слово должно обозначать одно явление или концепт;
избежать запутывания читателя переводом кардинально отличающихся конструкций иностранного права на терминологию национального права;
сохранить связь концепта с конкретным автором и текстом.

Секция «Моделирование ООН (Заседание Совета Безопасности) «Israeli – Palestinian Conflicts. Ways of Resolution»

THE U.S. POSITION ON PALESTINIAN-ISRAELI PEACE PRPCCES

Елизарова Е.Е., студ. 4 к. науч. рук. Кривко И. В., ст. преп.

The United States has been the principal international proponent of the Arab-Israeli peace process. President Jimmy Carter mediated the Israeli-Egyptian talks at Camp David which resulted in the 1979 peace treaty.

With the Gulf war in 1991, President George H.W. Bush declared solving the Arab-Israeli conflict among his postwar goals. On March 6, 1991, he outlined a framework for peace based on U.N. Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338 and the principle of “land for peace.”

President George H.W. Bush together with Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev convened the peace conference in Madrid in 1990 that inaugurated a decade of unprecedented negotiations between Israel, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and the Palestinians. President Clinton facilitated a series of agreements between Israel and the Palestinians as well as the Israeli-Jordanian peace treaty in 1994.

With the Hebron Protocol of 1997, however, the United States seemed to become an indispensable and expected party to Israeli-Palestinian talks. Clinton mediated the 1998 Wye River Memorandum, and the United States coordinated its implementation. He personally led negotiations at Camp David in 2000.

In June 2002, President George W. Bush outlined his vision of a democratic Palestine to be reated alongside Israel in a three-year process. U.S., European Union, Russian, and U.N. representatives built on this vision to develop the Road Map to a Permanent Two-State Solution to the Israeli Palestinian Conflict.

After the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, the Administration focused on the peace process mainly as part of the war on terrorism. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice did not appoint a Special Middle East Envoy, and said that she would not get involved in direct Israeli-Palestinian negotiations of issues and preferred to have the Israelis and Palestinians work together.

After the Administration supported Israel’s disengagement from Gaza mainly as a way to return to the Road Map, Secretary Rice personally mediated an accord to secure the reopening of the Rafah crossing between Gaza and Egypt in November 2005.

Some Israelis criticized her insistence that the January 2006 Palestinian elections proceed with Hamas participating, which produced a Hamas-led government, despite the group’s refusal to disavow violence or recognize Israel. The Administration later agreed with Israel’s preconditions for dealing with the government.

In 2007, Rice tried to get the Israelis and Palestinians to focus on what she described as a “political horizon” for the Palestinians. President Bush convened an international meeting in Annapolis, MD on November 27 to support bilateral negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, and Secretary Rice has since traveled to the region often to urge progress.

The Joint Understanding presented at the November 2007 Annapolis Conference creates a new role for the United States as “judge” of Israel’s and the Palestinians’ fulfillment of their commitments under the 2003 international Road Map to a two-state solution. In January 2008, President Bush appointed (Air Force) Lt. Gen. William Fraser III, assistant to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, to monitor the parties’ compliance with their commitments. Gen. Fraser did not mediate or enforce compliance. Instead, Faster was establishing dialogue with Palestinians and Israelis and was getting the facts on what each of them was doing to implement the Road Map.

Peace negotiations completely stopped on 27 December, 2008 when Israel launched a military campaign codenamed Operation Cast Lead in the Gaza Strip. The operation's aim was to stop Hamas attacks on southern Israel, and it included the targeting of Hamas' members, police force, and infrastructure. The United States support Israel's operations or define, that they as falling within Israel's right to self defense.

Soon after becoming a president, on 22 January, 2009 Barack Obama appointed George Mitchell as a special envoy for the Middle East, later Hilary Clinton made an official visit to the Middle East countries.

The current U.S. Government:

Is committed to a comprehensive peace, including two-state solution, building upon previous agreements and obligations;
Supports approach of forming an alliance of "moderates," including Israel, Saudi Arabia and Egypt;
Believes, that the goal of the Middle East Peace must be the stabilization and normalization of Gaza through the implementation of a durable and fully respected ceasefire and an end to all terrorist activities;
Recognizes the right of Israel, like other States, to exercise its right of self-defense;
Stresses, that humanitarian aid should be get into Gaza through the border in sufficient amounts to be able to alleviate the suffering of the people in Gaza;
Finds it’s necessary to securing the borders so that we can lay the basis for the reopening of crossings based on the principles of the 2005 Agreement on Movement and Access;
Supposes, that Palestinian Authority will re-establish control over the borders and crossings;
Thinks, that the future of Jerusalem must be negotiated and cannot be decided unilaterally, and that the city should not be divided as it was between 1948 and 1967;
Is of opinion, that the boundaries should be negotiated and mutually recognized, “should not reflect the weight of conquest,” and that adjustments in the pre-1967 boundaries should be “insubstantial.” The U.S. position acknowledges the Israeli need for defensible borders and also acknowledges the Palestinian desire for a territorial entity separate from Israeli rule;

Insists, that rocket attacks form Palestinian territory must stop and so must the smuggling of weapons in Gaza;
Considers that Israel should freeze all settlement activity, including the "natural growth" of existing settlements.

The Libyan Approach to the Palestinian Peace Process

Курочкина О. студ. 3 к., науч. рук.: Кривко И. В.

Since the beginning of the peace settlement between Palestinians and Israelis the Great Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya has been one of most uncompromising opponents of Israel from the Arab world.

To start with, Libya criticized the Madrid conference in 1991 sharply due to its aim to achieve some concession from both parties in order to start a peace process.

Moreover Libya is one of the leading Arab financial backers of the Palestinians. In 2006

Muammar Gaddafi pledged support for Palestinian militant group Hamas, which faced cuts in Western funding over its refusal to denounce violence against Israel. The report came after Gaddafi had met Hamas leader-in-exile Khaled Meshaal in Tripoli.

As far as the Libyan activity as a non-permanent member of the Security Council is concerned, its position about the Arab-Israeli conflict remained generally the same. Gaddafi outlined its priorities as “recognition of the plight and suffering of the Palestinian people and their legitimate rights, including the right of return of refugees”.

In 2008 Libya abstained from adopting resolution 1850, according to which the Council declared its commitment to the irreversibility of the ongoing bilateral negotiations between the Israelis and Palestinians, and supported "their determined efforts to reach their goal of concluding a peace treaty resolving all outstanding issues…"

Libyan representative Giadalla A. Ettalhi noted that the problem was accompanied by the tremendous suffering of the Palestinian and other peoples of the region, continuous violations of human rights, and unprecedented breaches of international humanitarian law. The practices of the Israeli occupation had escalated; killings and detentions had continued; settlement activity had intensified; the siege on the Gaza Strip had worsened; and the number of checkpoints in Gaza and the West Bank had increased; the demolition of houses had continued, as had construction of the separation wall, most of it on Palestinian territory. The Council must move quickly to protect civilians facing collective punishment, which constituted a crime against humanity.

In March 2008 the U.N. Security Council failed to reach a consensus when it met to consider condemning an attack that killed eight people at a prominent Jewish seminary as an act of terrorism because Libya blocked the statement. Ibrahim Dabbashi, Libya's deputy ambassador to the United Nations, said the attack on the school was no different than Israeli military offensives against militants in Gaza.

On December 4, 2008 the Security Council met at Libya’s request to discuss what was described as Israel’s refusal to allow Libyan vessel the Al-Marwa carrying humanitarian supplies for children and the sick suffering under the blockade of Gaza. Insisting that the ship should be allowed to deliver its cargo, Libya’s representative said that the United Nations and humanitarian organizations like the International Red Cross and Red Crescent could inspect the ship to verify that it only carried food and medicines. The speaker asserted that the actions by the Israeli authorities were an act of piracy as defined by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. The Council should hold Israel accountable for its deliberate violation of the freedom of navigation on the high seas, he said. The international community must act, he insisted. It was high time that the international community, including the Council, undertook its collective duty to exert serious efforts to redress the illegal situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory and bring an end to Israel’s illegal practices and policies.

Israel’s representative countered that if Libya was genuinely interested in supporting peace and security in the Middle East, it would have condemned Hamas’ brutal coup against the moderate Palestinian Authority and subsequent control of Gaza, as well as the constant barrage of rockets and mortars on Israeli towns by terrorists. Like any other State, Israel had the right -– even the duty – to defend its citizens from terrorist attacks. No United Nations Member State would allow a shipment originating from a hostile State to reach a territory that served as a launching pad for terrorist attacks against its citizens.

Initially Libya's leader Muammar Gaddafi decided to boycott the Arab League's summit, set to be held in Qatar at the end of March, in response to what he considers as the Arab leaders' plan to "sacrifice" the refugee issue in order to please Israel. Gaddafi was worried that in the framework of the Saudi peace initiative, Arab leaders would concede the refugees' right of return, and agree to have them naturalized in their countries of residence, in a bid to encourage Israel's cooperation with the peace plan.

Libyan newspaper al-Jamahiriya reported that Libya may begin deporting Palestinian refugees soon, in protest of the Arab plan. “Libya is in negotiations to allow thousands of Palestinians who reside within its territory to move to the Gaza Strip through Egypt, before the plot to settle them in the Arab countries materializes,” it said.

In fact, since its election to the Council, Libya has prevented any initiative on Middle East issues, even refusing to participate in briefings by the Israeli Mission.

Gadhafi has worked up his own project of the peace process on the territory formerly known as Palestine, now divided between the nation of Israel and the disputed territories, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The common view is that the ultimate resolution of this conflict is the "two-state solution," in which Israel would cede all or most of the disputed territories to a new Arab state called Palestine. Gadhafi rejects the two-state solution in favor of a one-state one, “Isratine”, that would allow the people in each party to feel that they live in all of the disputed land and they are not deprived of any one part of it. Gadhafi writes: “Assimilation is already a fact of life in Israel. There are more than one million Muslim Arabs in Israel; they possess Israeli nationality and take part in political life with the Jews, forming political parties. On the other side, there are Israeli settlements in the West Bank. Israeli factories depend on Palestinian labor, and goods and services are exchanged. This successful assimilation can be a model for Isratine.

If the present interdependence and the historical fact of Jewish-Palestinian coexistence guide their leaders, and if they can see beyond the horizon of the recent violence and thirst for revenge toward a long-term solution, then these two peoples will come to realize, I hope sooner rather than later, that living under one roof is the only option for a lasting peace”.

All things considered, while generally preserving its attitude towards the peace process in Middle East, which may differ from that envisioned by some Arab parties, Libya claims its commitment to reflecting Arab views and readiness to harmonize its actions with those of the international community in order to settle the Palestinian question.

TURKEY AND ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT (Theses)

Никончук В. В. студ. 3 к. науч. рук.: Кривко И.В.

The Palestinian question occupies a central place in Turkish policy toward the Middle East and the recently adopted Turkish attitude exemplifies Turkey's new policy line in the region. Turkish administrators define their position as a critical policy line that seeks to deter Israeli aggression against the Palestinians and to condemn Palestinian attacks on Israeli targets, while pursuing good relations with both Israel and the legitimate Palestinian government. Still, Turkey's sensitivity to the Palestinian question is not a new development.

After the 1967 war, Turkey joined Arab nations in condemning Israeli actions. While it called for Israel to withdraw, it did not refer to Israel as an "aggressor state". In December 1987, after the commencement of the Palestinian intifada, Turkey denounced "Israeli oppression", and supported the Palestinians’ right to self-determination. In November 1988 Turkey recognized the existence of a Palestinian state, becoming the first nation with diplomatic relations with Israel to do so. Still when Israel issued a protest to the Turkish representative in Ankara, Turkey refrained from granting full diplomatic status to the PLO representative. [1]

Turkey's new geographic imagination has led to a more confident role for Turkey in the Middle East, which has found its expression in the statements of policy makers. Former Prime Minister Bülent Ecevit defined the Jenin operation in 2002 as "genocide" and Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan criticized the assassination of Sheikh Ahmad Yasin in 2004 and the heavy civilian casualties in the Rafah refugee camp as "state terror." He also described the Israeli policy in the Gaza Strip as "ссылка скрыта." In September 2005 Turkey brokered the first public, official talks between Israel and Pakistan.

On the 27th of January, 2006, a day after Hamas’s victory in the Palestinian legislative elections, Turkish prime minister T. R. Erdogan maintained that the international community must respect the decision of the Palestinian people, but still Turkish foreign minister Abdullah Gul called on Hamas to “act in a democratic way.” In order to express its deep concern at the escalation of violence and the deterioration of the situation in the region the Turkish Foreign Ministry released two statements calling for an end to the violence. The first statement expressed concern over the escalation in tensions; the second urged Israel and the Palestinians to act responsibly. [3]

The Turkish government's condemnation of Israel's military campaign in Gaza in 2009 strained relations between the two countries. Turkish Prime Minister ссылка скрыта called on Israel to halt its military operations in Gaza and described Israel's actions as a "crime against humanity." There were also widespread demonstrations across Turkey against Israelis actions in Gaza. Weeks after the ceasefire, relations between the nations further deteriorated. This was proved at the 2009 ссылка скрыта in ссылка скрыта, when the Turkish prime minister stormed off the stage after a heated exchange with Israeli president ссылка скрыта. [4]

Turkey has initiated an intensive diplomatic campaign at both the regional and international level to put an end to the Gaza tragedy. PM Erdoğan visited major Arab countries and talked to Palestinian leader Abbas in the first days of 2009. Erdoğan addressed the international community before his visit to Egypt, saying that "the Palestinian and Gaza people, our brothers, can only be saved from their isolation when these embargoes are lifted." Turkey's position is to include Hamas in the political process. Erdoğan aims to persuade Hamas to return to truce in exchange for lifting the blockade of Gaza, and Turkish policy makers have conveyed a message to Hamas to declare cease-fire and work for the political accommodation of different groups within Palestinian politics. In this sense, Turkey has already started to mediate between Hamas and international actors while maintaining regular contacts with Fatah, the Palestinian Authority as well as the US and European countries

The new attitude of Turkish policy makers is to consider the Palestinian question an area of responsibility and opportunity wherein to claim a constructive Turkish role in the Middle East. As an example of Turkey's serious attention to the Palestinian question, Turkey established the Palestine Economic and Social Collaboration coordination office and the West Bank branch of TİKA (Turkish Cooperation and Development Agency). Turkish Prime Minister R. T. Erdoğan said at that time that "Turkey has the capacity to help the Palestinians after the redeployment in the economic field." This capacity is best exemplified by the initiative of the Union of Chambers and Commodity Exchanges of Turkey (TOBB) with respect to managing an industrial zone on the border of Israel and the Gaza Strip. The "Industry for Peace Initiative in Palestine" is an example of the new self confidence among Turkish foreign policy elites and business leaders under the impact of the new geographic imagination that celebrates trade as the basis for sustainable peace in the region. [3]

Erdoğan's active diplomacy, aimed at preventing further tragedy in Gaza, coincides with Turkey's resumption of a two-year term as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council. Erdoğan welcomed the Arab League's call to lobby for a UN Resolution for a ceasefire and stands ready to cooperate in this initiative. Minister of Foreign Affairs Ali Babacan attended the extraordinary meeting of the foreign ministers of the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) on January 3rd, 2009. The Secretary-General of the OIC, Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, called for immediate international action to put an end to Israeli aggression in Gaza. And before departing from Saudi Arabia, Erdoğan added: "Hamas abided by the truce. But Israel failed to lift the embargoes. In Gaza, people seem to live in an open prison. In fact, all Palestine looks like an open prison. I am calling out to the whole world: why do you not display the same sensitivity you showed in Georgia, now in Gaza? The United Nations, the United States and the EU-member states mobilized for Georgia immediately. But now, no one takes action for Gaza" [4]

The Turkish National Security Council issued its own statement calling for an immediate end to military operations, the lifting of the barriers so that humanitarian aid might be delivered to the Palestinian people in Gaza, and urging the consideration of diplomacy for a solution. The statement also added that the Palestinians should reach a compromise among themselves as soon as possible. The NSC statement exemplifies the broad consensus on the Palestinian issue in Turkey.

Nowadays, Turkey proposes a two stage plan for dealing with the Gaza situation. The first phase is to broker a ceasefire and provide supervision by international peacekeepers, including Arab and Turkish forces. The second phase is to achieve a compromise between rival Palestinian groups to stabilize Palestinian politics and ensure a commitment to peace. Besides, ссылка скрыта supports a two-state solution to the ссылка скрытаi-Palestinian conflict and urges mutual dialogue to achieve the goal. Turkish Foreign Minister Gul expressed Turkish attitude to the plan: "Our views are obvious. We are in favor of a plan that will lead Israel and Palestine to live side by side in peace and cooperate as two independent states. The plan will be achieved through mutual negotiations and dialogue. The Road Map and the United Nations documents will guide the parties".

Turkey's election as a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council by a considerable majority (151 out the 192 member states) reflects Turkey's importance in the current international system. The last time Turkey was elected to the Security Council was over 40 years ago, and it appears that the current choice also indicates international support for some of the diplomatic bridging activity that Turkey has been involved in recently. [2] This diplomatic bridging suggests a unique mediating role for Turkey in conflicts in the three regions it borders: the Middle East, the Caucasus, and the Balkans. Through this role as mediator, Turkey attempts to prove that it need not identify with any given international party and can maintain its good relations with the West while it increases its involvement in the Middle East. With regard to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Turkey will certainly try to bring the issue to more international attention and will also look for opportunities to discuss the issue with the US administration and EU countries.

Секция Искусство презентации в современном мире

INTERNATIONAL CUSTOMS CONVENTIONS

TO FACILITATE INTERNATIONAL TRADE

(on the example of the Republic of Belarus)

Молаш О., Коржич Н., студ. 4 к., науч. рук. – Моисеенко О.И., доцент

Trade facilitation is one of the key factors for economic development of nations and concerns such issues as well being, poverty reduction and economic development of countries and their citizens. The need for facilitation has increased greatly, as it can bring the reduction of the overall cost of international trade transactions by helping goods move more quickly and efficiently through the customs borders. The removal of trade barriers is recognized as a driver of country’s development and global integration.

Trade facilitation, in the WCO context, means the avoidance of unnecessary trade restrictiveness. The efforts of the World Customs Organization are focused at simplifying Customs practices across its Member administrations. The organization has developed Conventions, standards and programs through which its Member Customs administrations have been able to offer their governments enhanced trade facilitation combined with effective Customs control. The WCO’s mission is to enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of Customs administrations by harmonizing and simplifying Customs procedures.

We recognize that the traditional role of Customs as an enforcement agency has expanded considerably in recent years. Customs, in its facilitation role, is one of the critical links that helps the trade achieve the benefits. The business sector expects Customs to be responsive to their needs. They want simplification of procedures, efficient processing of shipments and predictable sets of rules and regulations. They expect Customs to help them achieve "just-in-time" deliveries so that there will no longer be stock accumulation, prolonged warehousing, and outdated models. They also want to minimize any unexpected loss of time so that they can beat their competitors in launching their products in the consumer market. It seems quite a handful, but it is consistent with Customs' expanded role to help the trade realize these objectives.

In order to maintain a high degree of compliance whilst facilitating the rapid movement of goods and passengers, Customs procedures and systems must be simplified, harmonized, and improved so that the right balance can be achieved. That’s why today the international customs community is placing increasing importance on global cooperation, harmonization and mutual recognition of regulatory compliance assessment. For such strategies to be effective, three basic requirements must be fulfilled: the need for a comprehensive international regulatory framework; the need for consistent interpretation of the framework; and the need for consistent application of the framework.

Every state needs to adopt international instruments on simplification and harmonization of Customs procedures. The implementation of trade facilitation measures needs to rely on local knowledge, build on regional trade and transport facilitation networks, and make use of existing tools. Implementation also requires the broadest possible commitment from government institutions

as well as from the business community.

For Belarus among the top-priority international standards in the field of foreign trade policy and customs regulations are: on the one hand, the Kyoto Convention on simplification and harmonization of customs procedures; on the other hand, the Framework of Standards to secure and facilitate global trade adopted by the World Customs Organization.

The work on the Kyoto Convention is being conducted now. Several annexes are already ratified by Belarus. For the first time Belarusian authorities included six customs procedures into the recent Customs Code of 2007 in conformity with the Kyoto Convention. In 2005 experts from Belarus attended the meeting on trade facilitation matters within the World Customs Organization in Geneva. The main objectives of the Framework of Standards, adopted during these meeting, are:

advance electronic information;
risk management;
inspection of export goods;
partnership with trade.

On the regional level of economic cooperation the Republic of Belarus takes part in several economic associations of former Soviet republics. This helps us to unify somehow our foreign trade policy, to both harmonize and simplify our customs procedures, to make it more transparent and predictable for our foreign partners. Elimination of borders check-points between participating countries will also give an obvious benefit for transit shipments.

For example, our experts have just finished their work on the draft of an agreement, which sets common principles of customs regulations for Belarus, Kazakhstan, Russia and Ukraine. This draft is based on the WTO rules and provisions of the Kyoto Convention on simplification and harmonization of customs procedures.

In conclusion we would like to note that optimization of foreign trade, economic integration, simplification of customs procedures are one of the main goals in the economic policy of the Republic of Belarus. We consider that these aims can be achieved only in the closest and most intense state-to-state and state-to-business cooperation.

Fighting against smuggling

Астапенко А.С., Круглова А.А., Коледа Е.В., студ. 4 к., Моисеенко О.И., ст. преп.

Today smuggling is widely spread and well organized. This fact constitutes a serious menace both for the health of society and state finance that annually lose milliards of dollars of revenue. Smuggling leads to state revenue wastes and even undermines the authority of law enforcement bodies and the government. Smuggling also increases the rate of a country’s corruption.

Smuggling, also known as trafficking, is the clandestine transportation of goods or persons past a point where prohibited, such as out of a building, into a ссылка скрыта, or across an international ссылка скрыта, in violation of the ссылка скрыта or other rules. There are various motivations to smuggle, most but not all of which are financial.

In popular observation the term “smuggling” is synonymous to the term “illegal trade”. Both of them have identical objectives that correspond with the tax evasion and the importation of contraband items. The legal definition of these occurs in the Customs Act of the country. The list of items and goods prohibited for transportations across the border is set by every government individually. Also it is important not to confuse smuggling with restrictions – limitations on the carrier or group of goods that are involved into international trade.

Customs authorities all over the world nowadays have the aim and purpose of preventing and hindering the illegal traffic, transport and transaction of sensitive goods and those substances which have been religiously and legally banned according to the national laws of every country. The subjects of smuggling are usually following:

Human trafficking.
Smuggling of prohibited or restricted goods (drugs, narcotics, precursors).
Transport vehicles known to be or under suspicion of being used in the smuggling of goods or transactions, customs frauds and Customs offences.
Trafficking of arms, ammunition, explosive and inflammable materials.
Trafficking of ancient antiquities and artistic artifacts which are of historical, cultural and architectura1 value and considered as national treasures of this or that country.
Trafficking of toxic and other deadly substances, which are hazardous to the environment and public health.
Trafficking of goods liable to payment of considerable amount of Customs Duties and Taxes.
Trafficking of sensitive and strategic materials.
Trafficking of counterfeit money.

Smugglers work hard at developing new ways to conceal the presence of various goods; Customs officers work harder and smarter to detect those hidden goods. Today smugglers go with the times and developing technologies trying to hide in depth prohibited goods from customs officers and not to pay duties. They search for more and more sophisticated methods to conceal goods and to commit fraud. Smugglers cooperate with each other and even organize criminal groups.

There are several ways of struggling against smuggling:

legal frameworks at national, international levels. The first steps towards combating international smuggling and organized crime is the creation of a legal framework of prevention;
countries create conventions, agreements, declarations, that help to control these spheres by exchanging information and sharing experience in professional, technical and scientific fields;
creation of various programs, including national and international programs(The United Nations program on the international control over drugs and prevention of crime; The global program of struggle against illegal migration and human traffic (February, 1999));
to better exchange data on people's identities, coordination between the police, customs and the judiciary has been improved;
use of technologies. Customs is a world leader in the use of technology for border protection activities and uses new technologies to counter threats to country's border security. Customs border protection technologies can detect and identify a wide range of threats from weapons and narcotics, to explosives, chemical and radioactive substances.

Customs is responsible for protection of economic, cultural, social spheres of life of its country, it’s responsible for the supervision and control over the entry and exit, and is also the symbol of country’s sovereignty. So the main aim that is set before Customs authorities all over the world is to identify the current problems in prevention of and fighting against smuggling and to find appropriate solutions to these problems in order to make the activities of Customs authorities more efficient.

Fair business activities and public safety are the most significant areas to which smuggling poses threats have been in the recent years.

Nowadays all national laws extend cooperation and render necessary assistance to each other in order to raise the level of communications, expedite proceedings and take appropriate action to prevent smuggling and Customs frauds.

In order to fight effectively against smuggling Customs authorities should harmonize and simplify the Customs procedures and expedite and smoothen the trans-shipment of goods; should take steps to share their experiences in the following fields:

a) Information related to equipment, trends and patterns used for trafficking in goods, and Customs frauds.

b) Exchange visits of Customs officials in order to familiarize them with the modern techniques and equipment utilized to hinder the act of smuggling, offences and frauds.

c) Imparting education, training and assistance in upgrading the skills of the Customs officials and staff.

d) Exchanging information and sharing experiences in the relevant professional, technical and scientific fields.

Of course the realization of these steps needs time, but the result can be quite substantial, for example the level of public welfare and public trust in the Customs authorities will increase; percentage of the shadow economy will reduce in many countries and the international image of the Customs authorities will be reinforced.

Sources of the Customs Law in context of Belarusian Customs Legislation

Поликовская Е.Н. студ. 4 к., науч. рук. Моисеенко О.И., доцент

The Customs Law rules are expressed in appropriate legal forms or, in other words, in Law sources representing official documents. The rules of Law, being formalized in official documents, allow bringing them to the notice of physical and legal entities. Besides, the form of an official document proves the extent of legal power of any real Law. Legal acts issued by the State authorities stand as such documents.

In keeping with the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus, customs regulations are attributed to exclusive competence of the center, therefore, only regulatory legal acts outgoing from power bodies can be sources of the Customs Law. Subjects of the Republic of Belarus and local authorities have no right to issue such legal acts, as customs regulations are beyond their competence.

The total of regulatory legal acts comprising the Customs Law rules makes up a system of Customs Law sources. The Customs Code of the Republic of Belarus determines the system of Customs Law that includes the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus, the Customs Code of the Republic of Belarus, Laws, decrees of President of the Republic of Belarus, resolutions of the Government of the Republic of Belarus, regulatory legal acts of the Trade Ministry of the Republic of Belarus and the Finance Ministry of the Republic of Belarus, as well as international contracts of the Republic of Belarus.

Regulatory legal acts entering the system of Customs Law can be divided into three large groups of legal acts. Laws, i.e. legislative acts, and the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus, which provisions are direct-acting ones, can be attributed to the first group.

The second group consists of other acts issued by the Republic of Belarus and comprising standards of the customs legislation, this group covers decrees of President of the Republic of Belarus, resolutions of the Government of the Republic of Belarus, regulatory legal acts of the Trade Ministry of the Republic of Belarus and the Finance Ministry of the Republic of Belarus, i.e. regulatory legal acts issued by executive authorities.

The third group of legal acts includes international contracts.

Although all the regulatory legal acts stated above control over customs legal relations, they are of different legal power that depends on procedure of the enactment adoption, on status of the issuing organ in the common system of the State bodies and on its competence.

The Constitution of the Republic of Belarus and Laws have supremacy all over the Republic of Belarus territory, but among legally enforceable enactments of this group, the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus has the highest legal power, therefore, the Customs Code of the Republic of Belarus rules must not be in conflict with the constitutional provisions. The Constitution of the Republic of Belarus includes a provision, in keeping with which all Laws are subject of official publishing; unpublished Laws may not be applied.

Decrees of President of the Republic of Belarus regulating customs legal relations must not contravene the Customs Code of the Republic of Belarus and other Laws.

The Government of the Republic of Belarus has the right to adopt resolutions containing the rules of Customs Law based on and pursuant to the Customs Code of the Republic of Belarus, other Laws, decrees, i.e. the resolutions considered must not conflict with Laws and decrees.

The Trade Ministry of the Republic of Belarus and the Finance Ministry of the Republic of Belarus may issue regulatory legal acts concerning the order to convey goods and vehicles across the customs border, customs fees specified by the acts of customs legislation, i.e. in keeping with the Customs Code of the Republic of Belarus and to other Laws and legal acts of the Republic of Belarus.

Customs Service was created in keeping with the Decree of President of the Republic of Belarus "On the system and structure of bodies of executive power", and its legal status is determined by the Government of the Republic of Belarus Resolution No. 1101-XII dated September 20, 1991 "On Customs Service".

Decrees, resolutions, other regulatory legal acts controlling over customs legal relations affecting rights, freedoms and duties of men and citizens may not be applied unless being officially published for public notice.

The Customs Law rules can be expressed in intergovernmental relations, which are also to be considered as sources of Customs Law. In keeping with the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus, international contracts of the Republic of Belarus are a component of the Constitution legal system. As for international contracts, there is an active constitutional principle proving to the priority of such contracts over the national Laws.

One of the main Customs Law sources is the Constitution of the Republic of Belarus, as it determines certain essential provisions lying at the base of the customs control. First of all, customs control is within jurisdiction, it is prohibited to establish customs borders, fees, dues, or any other preclusion for free transfer of goods, services and bankroll across the Republic of Belarus territory.

The Republic of Belarus Laws regulating legal relations arising during border traffic of goods and vehicles are included into the system of the Customs Law sources.

The Customs Code of the Republic of Belarus is the main Law determining the procedure for entities and customs bodies to exercise the rights and accomplish duties provided by the Republic of Belarus legislation as for border traffic of goods and vehicles. The Customs Code of the Republic of Belarus is a composite legislation act stipulating a mechanism for observation of its rules.

The system of the Customs Law sources comprises a rather large number of Laws including the Customs Law rules. At present time these Laws are not officially listed, therefore, if needed, one should apply to the Law regulating the subject legal relations.

By-Laws, among them decrees of President of the Republic of Belarus stand apart, are important and various sources of the Customs Law.

Decree "On countermand of customs control on the border of the Republic of Belarus with the Russian Federation" brought substantial changes into customs control procedures on the border with Belarus.

Decrees "On approval of the Provision on import and export of natural diamonds and brilliants in the Republic of Belarus ", "On order to import and export precious metals in the Republic of Belarus " and others are very important for control over customs legal relations.

In the system of the Customs Law sources, the decrees are followed by resolutions of the Government of the Republic of Belarus regulating a large number of customs. Among them there are Resolutions:

"On approval of the Provision on customs processing procedure for goods moved through the customs border of the Republic of Belarus by natural persons for personal use",
"On requirements and conditions of placing goods under special customs mode of commodity handling for prevention and elimination of calamities and other emergency situations, as well as on restriction on use and disposal of goods placed under that customs mode",
"Оn temporary import (export) of scientific devices and equipment",
"Оn the procedure of temporary expositional or scientific export of the Republic of Belarus State Fund valuable precious metals and gem stones and precious metals and gem stones of public foundations of the Republic of Belarus subjects" and a diversity of others.

International contracts of the Republic of Belarus comprising the Customs Law rules are also included into the system of the Customs Law sources. It ought to be noted that the number of such international contracts is considerable, as many questions on the order to transfer goods and transports across the customs border are agreed internationally. For instance, Customs Convention on the ATA Carnet for Temporary Admission of Goods, Convention on Temporary Import, Convention on Facilitation of International Maritime Traffic, Convention on International Aviation, Customs Convention on International Transportation of Goods Using TIR Carnet (TIR Carnet Convention) and others.

General theory of Law attributes "custom" to the number of sources. In the Customs Law the custom is not used, as customs are far enough controlled by regulatory legal acts.

Секция «Деловые культуры в международном бизнесе»

Third World Debt: Causes and Ways Out

Katsiaryna O. Dulub, 2d year student, scientific supervisor – Antonina F. Drozd, Candidate of Philological Sciences, Associate Professor of the English Department for Economics

The basic reason which led to the misery of the Third World is the burden of debt. The developing world now spends $1.3 on debt repayment for every $1 it receives in grants.7 million children die each year as a result of the debt crisis. In 1999, $128 million was transferred from the poorest countries to the richest for debt repayments – each day.

Basically, there are 4 main causes of the debtor’s prison:

A Continuing Legacy of Colonialism.

The developing countries’ debt is partly the result of the unjust transfer to them of the debts of the colonizing States. For example, a sum of US$ 59 billion of public debt was imposed on the newly independent States in 1960.

Odious Debt which is debt that resulted from loans to an illegitimate or dictatorial government that used the money for personal purposes or to oppress the people.
Mismanaged Lending.

Economists often refer to a moral hazard of forgiving debts, because it may encourage people to take on new loans and refuse to pay. Yet, as Action for Southern Africa also noted in the report about Southern Africa’s odious debt, the problem is not necessarily with borrowers, but with lenders.

The price scissors

The truth is that developing countries specialize on exporting raw material prices for which are 5 times lower than those of ready-made goods.

The results of the burden of debt are haunting. Many of the 47 most indebted countries spend more on foreign debt service than on basic health, education, and social services for their own people. 37 of these countries rank in or just above the United Nations' lowest category of human development.

Moving on to the ways of diminishing Third World debt, it should be noted that there are effective and ineffective policies.

Among the policies which have turned out to be ineffective are:

the policy «Forgive and forget».

In a sort of money merry-go-round, the official lenders are granting poor countries new loans to repay old ones. This makes bad loans look good and hides the full extent of failure.

Extending financial aid

The fact is that few programs have consumed as many resources with as few positive results as foreign aid. The possible reasons for inefficiency of foreign help:

«Food dumping» which is the practice of selling surplus American crops to third world countries at a deep discount. When free or cheap food gets distributed, local prices drop which may bankrupt local farmers.
Corruption, fraud and embezzlement.
Politics. According to the UN, 49.7 percent of U.S. aid went to 10 countries and the four biggest recipients did not belong to the Third World (Iraq, Israel, Egypt, Jordan).

The fact is that there is no or little correlation between the extent of foreign aid and economic growth. The example of the Four Tigers proves this. After the U.S. stopped giving aid to Taiwan in 1965 it started seeking a path to economic stability and growth.

However, there have been some positive changes with foreign aid. Adult illiteracy in third world countries was cut in half from 1965-1995. During that same time, improved sanitation and health care helped reduce the infant mortality rate by 60 percent.

Logically, there should be more effective ways out:

Change in foreign aid spending. There is no lack of foreign aid funds, just a lack of efficiency and motivation.
Restructure of debts – «bad» debt cancelation and debt relief. The eligibility requirements involve tackling corruption and having a transparent governmental system.
Free trade and improvement of the investment climate. This would encourage the third world to establish private property rights and free markets, which would help lead them to growth and prosperity.

It has been estimated that the benefit from cancellation of export subsidies in developed countries could result in $11,6 billion coming to the Third World a year. Developing countries can receive up to $30 billion a year as a result of creating their own commodity markets and $31,4 billion - due to new agricultural markets opening.

Drawing a conclusion, the mechanism of renewal has been boosted. The aim is to keep it going. The result depends on the readiness of the First World to admit its mistakes and choose the effective policy and not the selfish one.

Секция «Искусство презентации в современном мире»

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