И власть в истории цивилизаций
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The paper is based on the results obtained by the russian expedition to the united republic of tanzania during its second fieldwork season in the year 2005. The author asserts that the attitude of african tanzanians toward immigrant minorities (arabs, asians, and europeans) is influenced by relations of friendship (e.g., see the table). The paper examines the attitudes to minorities in this context. The influence of friendship on the african tanzanians’ opinion about the due principles of political organizations formation (should they be based on ethnic and racial origins of their members or not) is also examined.
Table
Have you any friends among Tanzanian Indians? * What is your personal attitude to Tanzanian Indians?
| | What is your personal attitude to Tanzanian Indians? | |||||
| | Very bad | Bad | Indifferent | Good | Very good | Total |
| Don't have friends among Tanzanian Indians | 27 9,5% | 32 11,3% | 92 32,5% | 87 30,7% | 45 15,9% | 283 100,0% |
| Have a few friends among Tanzanian Indians | 9 4,7% | 15 7,8% | 53 27,5% | 85 44,0% | 31 16,1% | 193 100,0% |
| Have many friends among Tanzanian Indians | 5 5,4% | 4 4,3% | 25 26,9% | 33 35,5% | 26 28,0% | 93 100,0% |
| Total | 41 7,2% | 51 9,0% | 170 29,9% | 205 36,0% | 102 17,9% | 569 100,0% |
The study was supported by the Russian Foundation for Humanitarian Research (grant 05-01-18010е).
Mònica Martínez Mauri
(Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Spain;
Ecole des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Paris, France)
Mediation and Cultural Identity in Kuna Yala (Panamá 1925 – 2003)
In recent years, anthropologists have been concerned with the ways in which history and cultural symbols have been manipulated in the recreation of ethnic identities and organizations. The role of the “cultural-mediators” is central in view of elucidating these cultural transformations. In order to better understand their role, I decided to study the cultural and political mediation in Kuna Yala (Panamá).
The Kuna of Panamá are among the most successful indigenous peoples of Latin America. Since 1938 the coast has been a legally recognized indigenous reserve, now called Comarca de Kuna Yala. By law, the Kuna control access by non-Indians to the comarca and enjoy a considerable measure of autonomy. The comarca has been governed since 1945 by semi-annual Kuna General Congress and three sahila dummagana or caciques.
The role of native secretaries was essential to obtain autonomy from the national government. At the beginning of the twentieth century, a group of Kuna boys gained a few years of schooling. Some of them rejected Kuna culture and promoted modernizing change, but quite a few were co-opted as secretaries to village and confederacy chiefs. In this role, they mediated the Indian-government relations, defending native autonomy.
Today, the Kuna deal with the government, national society and international agencies through a variety of channels and organizations. Like in the beginning of the last century, today the intermediaries live between two different social and cultural structures. However, the evidence collected in Kuna Yala suggests that configurations of power are more numerous, more diversified and more unstable. These configurations therefore leave a greater margin for socio-political maneuvering to the mediators. Using an anthropological approach, this paper elucidates the transformations in ethnic identity in connection to the change in political discourse of Kuna organizations, especially among the Kuna NGOs.
Deasy Simandjuntak
(Universiteit van Amsterdam, the Netherlands)
“Who Shall Be Radja?” Competition and Networks of Local Elites within the State-Decentralization Process in North Sumatra, Indonesia
Following the financial crisis in 1997, Indonesia is forced to accommodate demands of governance-reform. The authoritarian-centralized state is seen as causing ineffectiveness in redistributive policies as well as hindrance to democracy. Agencies such as the World Bank see decentralization as obligatory, arguing that decentralization empowers the civil society vis-à-vis the central state and consequently ensures democratization.
The paper questions the argument that decentralization necessarily empowers the civil society and ensures democratization. What was overlooked is the lack of professionalism/expertise in the local policy-making. Decades of centralization had left the local governments as mere executors of Jakarta’s policies, while civil societies lack organizational strength to assume any significant role. This unfortunate incapacity ultimately opens the door for local ethnic/religious elites vying to fill the vacuum in local politics. Under the “civil-society” banner and mobilizing followers using ethnicity/religion, they compete for local leadership. They may be descendents of colonial’s aristocracies succeeding into conservative bureaucrats, seeking to maintain access to local economy; or new political entrepreneurs creating new districts by collaborating with politicians in Jakarta.
What is evident in Indonesia’s new local politics is the functioning of local elite networks undermining the formal centralized power hierarchy. As ethno-religious cleavages determine political loyalties, so intensify the congruence between the central and local elites. The central elites designate the local elites to extend central control over regions’ resources, while the local elites pursue central compatriots to acquire access to State resources.
The paper focuses on North Sumatra, where the major ethnic groups are the Batak and Muslim-Malay, and the governmental elites are Muslim. The Batak comprises several subethnic groups, the majority being the Toba and Karo. The competition manifests in District-Head Elections, and the proposal of new Tapanuli (Toba), East Sumatra (Karo) provinces. Different churches of the HKBP (German-Lutheran Toba), the GBKP (Dutch-Reformed Karo) denote the influence of colonial missionaries in the shaping of the Batak’s ethnicity in North Sumatra.