Научно-исследовательская работа студентов: Материалы юбилейной 60-й научной студенческой конференции. Петрозаводск: Изд-во ПетрГУ, 2008. 325 с. Isbn 978-5-8021-0880-2

Вид материалаНаучно-исследовательская работа

Содержание


Секция «Отраслевые социальные дисциплины»
Исследование рынка
Секция «Европейские исследования» (на англ. языке)
The reasons of the conflict between
The social dimension
Eu—turkey relations
Подобный материал:
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Секция «Отраслевые социальные дисциплины»


НИЗШИЙ СРЕДНИЙ КЛАСС В РОССИИ

Сачук Д.
Научный руководитель — канд. филос. наук, доц. Кислов С. А.

Развитие среднего класса в стране — один из основных вопросов, интересующих отечественных исследователей. На сегодняшний день бесспорно одно: средний класс — реально существующая группа, а не социальный миф. Что до численности и состава среднего класса,
то здесь нет единства. Оценки колеблются от 10 до 42 % от всего населения страны. Для лучшего понимания среднего класса необходимо рассмотреть его состав. Предпочтительной в этом отношении кажется типология Э. Гидденса, выделяющая 3 составляющих среднего класса: старый средний, высший средний и низший средний.

Старый средний — опора всего среднего класса, это частные предприниматели. Их доля в российском обществе составляет приблизительно 3 %. Эта группа независима от государства, ее лозунг: «Не мешайте нам!» Высший средний класс составляют высококвалифицированные управленцы, менеджеры. Класс разрастается самостоятельно, можно просто ждать.

Болевая точка российского среднего класса — низший средний класс. Большие профессиональные группы, такие как работники здравоохранения, образования, культуры, чиновники среднего и низшего ранга, а также пенсионеры должны быть в среднем классе. В России они составляют пока медианный слой. Их численность 25—28 %, доходы менее 500 у. е. в месяц.

Большая часть потенциального низшего среднего класса в России занята в государственном секторе экономики. Проблема в том, что прямые действия в виде простого увеличения заработной платы не помогут. Сейчас осуществляется переход на новую систему оплаты труда, ориентированную на результат, что позволит увеличить производительность труда. А это даст основание для сравнительно безболезненного для экономики страны повышения заработной платы на 40—60 %, не грозящего взрывом инфляции. 2 ключевые группы — молодые семьи и пенсионеры. Первые при рождении ребенка сразу оказываются за чертой бедности. Необходима планомерная поддержка семьи, рассчитанная на годы. Увеличение базовой части пенсии неэффективно. Полезнее стимулировать население к увеличению накопительной части пенсии. Так обеспечиваются пенсионеры, и решается проблема «залеживания» денег у населения.

Большая трудность для государства во взаимодействии с потенциальным низшим средним классом — недоверие населения, сформированное трудными 1990-ми. Нередко и местная пресса разжигает страсти. Отсюда вывод о необходимости продуманной, взвешенной политики.

Таким образом, можно сделать вывод, что средний класс в России на данный момент крайне неоднороден и малочислен. Для качественного увеличения численности необходимо вмешательство власти, прежде всего в становление низшего среднего класса как наиболее зависимого от государства, но вмешательство бережное и осмотрительное.

^ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЕ РЫНКА
МЕДИКО-СОЦИАЛЬНЫХ УСЛУГ
г. ПЕТРОЗАВОДСКА

Муслимова Ю.
Научный руководитель — канд. ист. наук, доц. Нилов В. М.

Актуальность обусловлена недостаточной изученностью этой темы и современными потребностями поиска решений, связанных с изменением системы здравоохранения. В исследовании разрабатываются такие понятия, как «медико-социальная услуга», «медико-социальный комп-
лекс», «рынок медико-социальных услуг», потому как в науке отсутствуют институциональные определения этих реалий. Проблемами данного сектора в городе Петрозаводске являются:

• несовершенство законодательства в сфере здравоохранения;

• деятельность управляющих медицинскими учреждениями;

• доступность бесплатного медицинского обслуживания;

• «теневая медицина»;

• отсутствие сегментации рынка и адресной помощи;

• ассиметрия информации между врачом и пациентом.

Основными тенденциями развития рынка медико-социальных услуг в Петрозаводске являются:

• увеличение доли платного медицинского обслуживания;

• сокращение государственного финансирования медицины;

• социальный маркетинг.

Основу решения существующих проблем могут составить:

• определение социального состава обращающихся за услугами;

• изучение мотивов поведения пациентов на рынке медико-социальных услуг;

• определение того объема медицинских услуг, которые медицинские учреждения реально могут дать;

• изучение деятельности конкурентов;

• исследование рекламной деятельности;

• разнообразие целевых программ;

• осуществление постоянного контроля за качеством медицинских услуг;

• применение экономических методов управления.
^

Секция «Европейские исследования» (на англ. языке)


INFORMATION POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION

Ильина Т.
Научный руководитель — ст. преп. Демидова А. А.

To begin with it should be said that the topic of my short report is the information policy of one of the major international organizations — the European Union.

There are many reasons for the EU's communication challenge. Firstly, there is a general decrease of trust in politicians and governments in all modern western democracies. Secondly, the EU has a unique and complex system of decision-making which is hard to understand. Besides, linguistic barriers add to the complexity of EU policies. Another fact that is worth mentioning is that national decision makers have a tendency to blame the EU when unpopular measures need to be introduced and to take the sole credit for popular EU decisions. Then there are no big EU-wide media and national media will look at EU policies only within the context of their national political system. Finally the role of member states in communicating Europe at national level has always been underestimated. Moreover, today it is argued that the EU is a bureaucratic organization and the norms the EU makes depend on the work of lobbyists. The issue is to make or not to make special rules for lobbyists in order to control their influence.

It should be said that the notion of the information policy is rather young. So it is not surprising that it is in the state of reforming. The event that change the European information policy was the report of Bangenmann «EUROPE AND THE GLOBAL INFORMATION SOCIETY» (1994). On the basis of this report, the European Council adopted an operational program defining precise procedures for action and the necessary means in terms of the informative policy. The goal of this report is to develop a common regulatory approach to bring forth a competitive, Europe-wide, market for information services and others.

Moreover in 2006 the White Paper on the information policy was published. It aims to tackle the increasing lack of trust by citizens in the EU projects. Speaking about some concrete methods of the information policy we could name media resources (for instance the EuroNews).

The three principles of the communication strategy are as follows: listening, communicating and establishing contact at local level. The Action Plan for better communication concerning Europe also aims to make greater efforts to consult the public; coordinate communication work within the Union in order to put the existing means of communication to more efficient use, formulate Commission proposals for political initiatives clearly, so that the general public can understand them.

^ THE REASONS OF THE CONFLICT BETWEEN
THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION AND THE REPUBLIC
OF LATVIA

Букина А.
Научный руководитель — доктор ист. наук, проф. Максимова В. С.

The main reasons and factors that impact the international cooperation between the 2 countries are the following:

1. Past-oriented policy, incomplete history. Nearly the majority of the leading politicians of Latvia and Russia still are from the soviet political genesis. They depend upon the perceptions of the events, they took part in. The absence of the respectful discussion of the problems of the history in the 20th century leads to replacing history with politics, politization of political perceptions,striving to compensate the moral damages of the past: Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, mass deportations and killings, the loss of their freedom, and the influx of millions of Russian-speaking settlers, on the one hand, and Latvian legion SS war crimes and espionage in favour of Germany, on the other hand. The way out is to put the end to the past system of thinking and admit the mistakes in a public way. The Russian Federation and the Republic of Latvia are new states — the past doesn’t open door to the future.

2. The formation of national political elite of independant Latvia. Foreign Latvian diaspora played the main role in the process of Latvian political elite formation. Since 1991 Latvia has began to conduct the policy of all possible assistance to the returning of Latvians that emmigrate to the West in 1941—1945. Due to the education in Western European countries the immigrants were offered the posts as experts and advisers at Latvian ministries and commissions. They began to have impact on the internal and foreign policy of Latvia. One of the main goals was the integration into the European society and the elimination of the Russian influence.

3. Nationalism, formation of nation-state, concept of external enemy. The main reason of the nationalism is a deep crisis of old regime and the collapse of system norms and values, economic depression. According to Hobsbaum, when the society is in crisis the nation seems to be the last hope. Thus, the border question, the status of Russian-speaking population, the political rhetoric became the tension lines. Latvia is «ethnic democracy» or «ethnic political regime», where the state treats national minorities — Russians — as threat to their sovereignity.

4. Post-empire complexes and stereotypes. The leading political matrix is the enemy, «us-them» matrix. In Russia there is empyreal political mentality. In Latvia the concept of «external enemy» helps to contribute to the integration into Europe and to keep the current internal problems such as corruption, inflation from the eyes of the electorate. There are no serious obstacles to mutually advantageous cooperation. The only one is negative political practice. New format of interstate relations, new adequate national interests are needed.

^ THE SOCIAL DIMENSION
OF THE EUROPEAN INTEGRATION

Вдовинец Е.
Научный руководитель — ст. преп. Демидов А. А.

During the 20th — 21st century we are having an opportunity to observe the development of a unique entity, i. e. the European Union. The European common social policy is far from being complete. It is crucial to investigate this issue as social stability and social partnership create favourable circumstances for comprehensive integration in all spheres.

The legal base of the EU social policy comprises such documents as the European Social Charter adopted in 1961, Treaties establishing the European Coal and Steel Community (1951) and the European Economic Community (1957), the Single European Act of 1986 and the Community Charter of the Fundamental Social Rights of Workers of 1989. As for compulsory regulations, the Framework Directive 89/391/EEC which was used for working out the labor safety requirements or the Directive 91/533/EEC ordering employers to inform their workers about the contractual requirements can be used as examples.

A branched structure of entities is responsible for fulfilling social policy of the EU: the European Council, the European Commission, the European Parliament, the Court of Justice of the European Communities and the European Economic and Social Committee.

The major problem of forming the common social policy in the EU arises from member states' determined resistance to any transfer upwards of formal competence in the social area. In an effort to maintain their legitimacy member states are reluctant to pass any power over the social policy to European institutions. The main reason is that developing social rights increases the material value of ties to some particular state and thus cements the national government's legitimacy and citizen loyalty.

The other problem is the distinction in the development of social systems in the member states themselves. There are four models of welfare systems, namely, the Continental (Germany, France, the Netherlands and Belgium), Nordic model (Sweden, Denmark, and Finland), Atlantic (the UK and Ireland) and the Southern Europe model (Spain, Italy, Greece and Portugal). It is cultural diversity that accounts for the different way in which countries conceive social policy. To build the Common Market the EU needs to eliminate obstacles to transboundary mobility caused by absence of national welfare regimes correlation. Nowadays the governing institutions of the EU leave the social policy in national competence and focus on coordinating them and securing their cooperation. The solution of the problem of harmonization of national social systems can be as follows: to level the distinction between the social welfare in member states together with making a certain common standard of social policy.

^ EU—TURKEY RELATIONS

Лопухина Е.
Научный руководитель — ст. преп. Яровой Г. О.

Enlargement is an opportunity for the European Union to transform the European continent into an area of peace and prosperity. Article 49 of the Treaty on EU sets out the conditions for any country wishing to become a member of the EU: being a European country and abiding by the common principles of freedom, democracy, respect for human rights and the rule of law. All potential members of the EU have to go through several accession steps. Firstly, they must abide by the Copenhagen criteria: political, economic, ability to assume obligations and create conditions for integration. Secondly, the EU’s absorption capacity must allow integration to be intensified as new members are integrated. Third step is the accession negotiations that are followed by signing the Accession Treaty.

When modern Turkey’s foundation was laid in 1932, this democratic country with its Muslim population remained close to the west. But in 1959 it applied for associate membership in the European Economic Community (EEC) and in1963 was included to customs union. In 1974 Turkey invaded Cyprus and that led to a turmoil in the relationship between Turkey and the EEC. In 1986 the accession process was revived and the mutual agreement came into force on January 1st 1996. In the year 2001 the EU council of ministers adopted the EU Turkey Accession partnership to assist the Turkish authorities in their efforts to meet the accession criteria. On October 3rd, 2005, the accession negotiations were symbolically opened, but their outcome had no guarantee.

There are some obstacles on Turkey’s way to the EU, ranging from demographic to political. First problem is that, Turkey if included in the EU, would become the highest populated member state by 2020, surpassing Germany. Second issue deals with boundaries of Europe as with the inclusion of Turkey they might soon coincide with natural geographic European boundaries. Another serious point is that Greece and Turkey have still not come to a conclusion on disputes over the extent of territorial waters, underwater resources and oil exploration in the Aegean Sea, and others. There are some sore points concerning human rights records. The last obstacle in the path of unification of Turkey and the EU is the future of the divided island of the Cyprus, which still remains uncertain.

As regards European countries’ positions on Turkey’s acceptance to the EU, some (Great Britain, Greece, Poland) are in favor of it, while others (Germany, France, Austria) are against. Considering everything said it is just a matter of time whether or not Turkey will finally join the European Union as a full-fledged member state.