14 меѓународен славистички конгрес охрид, 10-16 септември 2008 зборник од резимеа
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14 МЕЃУНАРОДЕН СЛАВИСТИЧКИ КОНГРЕС
Охрид, 10-16 септември 2008
ЗБОРНИК ОД РЕЗИМЕА
I дел
ЛИНГВИСТИКА
АВСТРАЛИЈА И НОВ ЗЕЛАНД
Kevin Windle
Nabat and its Editors: the 1919 swansong of the Brisbane Russian Socialist Press
In the period 1912-1919 five successive Russian-language newspapers were published by the Brisbane Union of Russian Workers or individuals linked with it. While Fedor Sergeev’s papers have been the subject of some historical research, the later Deviatyi val (1918-19) and Nabat (1919), in which Sergeev had no role, remain almost unknown. This study examines the first and possibly only issue of Nabat in the context of its time and in the light of related materials held in Australian and Russian archives. It is important (a) because it appeared in the aftermath of the Brisbane ‘Red Flag’ disturbances of March 1919 and is largely devoted to that event, and (b) on account of its presumed editors and writers. It is argued, with reference to archive documents, that the editors were Herman Bykov and Alexander Zuzenko, who were deported for leading the Red Flag demonstration. Zuzenko returned briefly to Australia as a Comintern agent, and later became a Soviet legend, before his execution in Moscow in 1938 as a ‘British spy’.
Robert Lagerberg
Variation in Russian Word Stress
This paper examines the types of variation which obtain in modern Russian word stress, and gives their typological characteristics and (possible) developmental directions.
Inflectional stress in derived words is generally of the non-mobile type, so that (paradigmatic) stress movement or variation as a rule is not an issue. A few forms may show variation, usually accompanied by a semantic difference, e.g. гла́зки ‘eyes’ (diminutive/affectionate), глазки́ ‘peepholes’. However, derived forms display variation of stress between their basic forms (i.e. nominative singular of nouns, infinitive of verbs), e.g. татуи́рова́ть ‘to tattoo’. In most cases, one of these variants is the result of historical factors, whereby a word’s stress was originally determined by the accentual characteristics of its individual morphemes. In such cases, variation of stress represents an incomplete ongoing shift from one system of stress to another (morphemic to syllabic). At this stage, i.e. before the suffix in question displays uniform stress position, the older system exists side by side with the newer, and, as a result, different words with the same suffix display different stress positions.
Inflectional stress variation shares the basic character of derivational stress variation, insofar as it also represents an intermediate stage between two systems, though the ultimate goal of the tendency is unclear.
Another type of stress variation is semantic/etymological. Different words may be differentiated by a different stress position (а́тлас ‘atlas’ vs. атла́с ‘satin’) or different stress positions may co-exist for one meaning (тво́ро́г ‘cottage cheese’). Professional stress variation occurs when members of a specific activity use an alternative stress to the standard (e.g. ката́лог ‘catalogue’ in the speech of librarians).
While large-scale analogy is at work in derivational and inflectional stress variation, semantic/etymological and professional stress variation is more stable and less likely to have an effect on the standard language.
Peter Hill
The Metaphorical Use of Colour Terms
In this paper I examine the metaphorical use of colour terms in different Slavonic and other languages. The metaphorical use of colour terms is derived from their literal sense. Turning pale, a physiological response to stark emotions or to cold, can be perceived as going GREEN or BLUE. People may also go conspicuously red in the face under the influence of strong emotions or of alcohol. Sexual arousal can cause blood to rush to the face and so RED is associated with eros. RED as the colour of blood has come to be associated with martyrdom, with violence and revolution. BLUE is the colour of clear skies, which naturally incite positive emotions. On the other hand, BLUE can fade into BLACK (Pol granatowy ‘blue-black’, but e.g. Bg sin can designate anything from the colour of the sky on a bright, sunny day to the sensation of darkness at dusk), so BLUE is an ambiguous colour, hence the plethora of Sl colour terms in this area, and it may also explain E blue ‘obscene’, as in blue jokes. In the dark we cannot distinguish bright colours and so night is described as BLACK and it is a time when through the ages people have experienced anxiety. Night also provides a natural cover for crime and so BLACK is associated with illegality. Among the Slavs and the Germanic peoples blue-eyed, fair-haired people were familiar and were hence believed to be friendly and innocent, while swarthy, dark-eyed people were exotic and captivating but also sinister. Among the Turks the reverse was true. People respond positively to bright colours and so anything GREY tends to be seen as negative. GREY also means ‘lacking any positive qualities’. WHITE is also understood as ‘lacking colour, i.e. positive qualities’, but this is construed as innocence. GREEN is the colour of fresh foliage and unripe fruit and is hence used to designate a lack of experience in young people, but also spriteliness in old people.
АВСТРИЈА
Хуберт Бергманн
Неопубликованные каринтийско-словенские и градищанско-хорватские языковые материалы в фонде Немецкого этнографического атласа
Работа над Немецким этнографическим атласом (Atlas der deutschen Volkskunde, ADV) была начата в 1920-е годы с целью визуализировать этнологические явления с помощью карт распространения. В качестве образца для этого атласа послужил Немецкий лингвистический атлас. С 1930 по 1935 г. по всей немецкоязычной территории того времени были разосланы пять анкет с 243 основными вопросами. Под влиянием принятых в германистике канонов среди заданных вопросов были вопросы не только о реалиях, но и вопросы о (диалектных) названиях этих реалий. На базе собранного таким методом материала с 1937 по 1939 г. были – заметим, весьма опрометчиво – изданы шесть выпусков атласа, содержащих карты без комментариев. С 1958 по 1979 г. были опубликованы семь выпусков так называемой Новой серии атласа, которые сопровождались тремя подробными томами с комментариями, содержащими критический анализ источников. При составлении анкет исследователи, видимо, не уделяли должного внимания проблеме национальных меньшиств. На территории австрийских земель Каринтия и Бургенланд информаторы неоднократно заполняли анкеты на местном варианте словенского или хорватского языка. В первой серии атласа эти ответы были проигнорированы, а в Новой серии частично зафиксированы и иногда даже прокомментированы. Тем не менее, бóльшая часть каринтийско-словенского и градищанско-хорватского материала до сих пор не опубликована и не была изучена славистами. Цель доклада - познакомить широкие круги славистов с этим материалом, который находится сегодня в архиве Института европейской этнологии Инсбрукского университета, а также представить проект его публикации.
Juliane Besters-Dilger