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Institutional Aspects of Interaction between Ethnic Groups and
Power Structures in a Subject of the Russian Federation
The rebirth of ethnocultural movement in Moscow had started in the times of speedy downfall of totalitarian rule – late 1980th – early 1990th, when the party and Soviet bodies directing activity of citizens in an official way, began to lose leading positions in the political system of the USSR. Then numerous informal public associations among which were many ethnocultural organizations began to arise. Turning point in activity of the ethnocultural organizations of capital became acceptance in 1996 “The Law on national-cultural autonomy”. In the Law the interdiction on political activity of the organizations of ethnocultural profile, on the one hand, was established. On the other hand, the principle of mutual non-interference of the state and the ethnocultural organizations in activity of each other has been fixed. At the same time, capital bodies of the government tried to find ways of dialogue and interaction with so-called “ethnic public associations”. In 1994 Moscow Interethnic Council (MIC) has been created as a tool of interaction between the ethnic communities of the city and authorities. In 2001, it has been transformed by the decision of the Government of Moscow into Moscow interethnic advisory council (MIAC) at the Government of Moscow. In practice MIAC, however, as well as “ethnic public associations” could not become structures, which to the full would represent interests of various ethnic groups, settled in Moscow. Their role has been bounded to be certain barometers of the attitude of the “ethnic public associations” to different initiatives of authority. The reason for that were, on the one hand, objective circumstances, as, for example, insufficient participation of ethnic groups in work of “their” organizations, on the other hand, ambitions of leaders of these organizations which frequently represented not corresponding ethnic group, but themselves and their adherents. Because of it, MIAC began to get features of “elite club”; there were conflicts between the organizations representing the same ethnic groups. At the end of 1990th amplification of autonomist tendencies in the activity of ethnocultural organizations, their aspiration to become isolated on the internal problems was observed. Some of them have got own material resources, began to let out printed editions and to carry out actions without participation of city authorities.
Anatoly N. Ivanov (Institute for African Studies, Moscow, Russia)
The Tatar – Kryashen Relations: The Past, the Present, and the Future
Within the framework of ethnic interrelations among the Turkic peoples living in the Middle Volga region, the relations between the Tatars and the Kryashens stand out. The former are Muslims while the latter profess Orthodoxy for hundreds of years. The long period of joint or strip habitation brought about a lot of similar features in languages and ethnic identification of the two peoples and they preserve their related character. However, differences in their origins and perceptions of human values caused by different religions prevent us from considering the Tatars and the Kryashens as one nation. The essence of the present aggravation of the interethnic relations consists in the attempt of Tatar nationalists to assimilate the Kryashens by forcible imposing of Islam on them. The Kryashens in their turn, trying to escape from it come out for restoration of their ethnicity forfeited in the 1920s and for creation of the cultural and national autonomy for the people. The Tatars argue that the Kryashens are descendants of the Tatars who were forcibly baptized by orders of the Russian monarchs beginning with Ivan the Terrible. That is why the Kryashens, or the so-called “baptized Tatars”, should go back to Islam as “A Tatar is a Moslem”. The above mentioned argument is groundless because the Kryashens who number three hundred thousand will have to give up their liberty of conscience, the beliefs and customs of their ancestors. The way the problem is posed by the Tatar assimilators seems to be unconstitutional. It is also known the Kryashens are as old people as the Tatars. The Kryashens have ancient historical traditions. The facts that there are forcibly baptized Tatars among them and that some Kryashens adopted Islam, only reflect the process of changing religious beliefs by some Tatars or Kryashens. However, the above mentioned phenomena have not changed the basic parameters of the building up the Tatar and the Kryashen ethnicities. The hopeless policy leading to interethnic and inter-confessional conflicts encourages the reasonable members of the Tatar elite to come out for talks on the official declaration of the Kryashens’ self-determination. However, the latest population census (2002) gave rise to further aggravation of the Tatar – Kryashen relations. It showed that the majority of the Tatar authorities are not willing to begin a dialogue with the Kryashens in order to put an end to the conflict.
PANEL VII
Hierarchy and Power in Dates of Archaeology
Convenors: Stephen A. Kowalewski (University of Georgia, Athens, USA), Nikolay N. Kradin (Institute of History, Archaeology, and Ethnography, Vladivostok, Russia)
As a discipline distinct from anthropology and history, archaeology studies the longue duree of human life. History as a narrowly defined discipline begins with the invention of writing. Ethnologists investigate recent non-state peoples, groups already influenced by modernization. Historical and ethnological studies are useful for archaeologists. Archaeological sources are more fragmentary than written sources and the observations of ethnographers. Ceramics, fragments of artifacts, and stratigraphic levels are all that the archeologist has. How is it possible to study authority with these poor data? What does a rich burial signify for status position or property? Is there correlation between public inequality, power, and domination in prehistoric, traditional societies? How may we distinguish between chiefdoms and the state using archeological sources? All these questions interest archaeologists, but we are not as excited about distinguishing chiefdoms from tribes as we are in using archaeological data to think in new ways about the past and to evaluate new concepts of complex societies.
The main themes:
1. Archeological criteria of power and domination.
2. Archaeology and inequality.
3. Egalitarianism, rank, and stratification in archaeological perspective.
4. Chiefdom, state and civilization in the view of archaeology.
Nikolay N. Kradin (Institute of History, Archaeology, and Ethnography, Vladivostok, Russia)
Archaeological Criteria of State and Civilization
In his well-known paper of the urban revolution V.G. Childe (1950) identified archaeological criteria of the stages of civilization. Later, many archaeologists and anthropologists have discusses this problem. In his very influential volume C. Renfrew (1972) distinguished five indications: handicraft specialization, stratification, towns, written language, and monumental architecture. However, the problem is far from a resolution. In this report, the problem of criteria for state and civilization is once again discussed. The source is the database on 186 societies that was published in the paper by G. Murdock and C. Provost "Measurement of Cultural Complexity" (1973). I use their database and attempt to answer the question: What features correspond with levels of state and civilization? The analysis of correlation coefficients between all features reveals a strong relation between political integration (state), social stratification (classes), writing & records, population density, money, and technical specialization. Careful analysis of correlation between individual features shows that none of the pairs has a strict unilinear relation. The highest correlation is observed between hierarchy and stratification (0.72). This gives grounds to conclude that, for the most part, states have developed in parallel with class formation. However, side variants suggest that, in specific cases, mature stratification occurs in societies with a weak hierarchy, while multilevel hierarchies can occur in weakly stratified societies. Study of the correlation between writing & records and hierarchy (0.58) shows that there are many societies with developed hierarchy but without a written language. But there are also other examples in which societies have a developed written language but their hierarchy is not developed. The correlation between stratification and writing & records is stronger (0.63). This is attributable to the idea that class society should have a developed ideology. However, many complex problems arise at the instant we try to interpret particular cases. Why, in one case, do we say that one society is a civilization whereas another is not? Interpretations may depend on scientific tradition, personal predilections of the researchers, as well as on political ideology and ethnic nationalism.
Alicia Meza (Forest Hills, USA)
The Western Desert and the Nile Valley during the Neolithic Period
The crucial socio-economic developments of the Neolithic Period in the Western Desert of Egypt were closely related to those of the Nile Valley, the Maghreb and the Sudan. These areas had cultural exchanges and movements of people that could be explained in terms of the diverse environmental changes that affected the whole region. Therefore, the new niches created opportunities for the development and transformation in food procurement strategies and the subsequent symbiosis of these areas. As in any type of interaction, if environmental changes affected the geomorphology of North Africa and the Sahara region creating new possibilities for the flora, fauna and humans, the physiology of the environment was also affected by change in humans' living conditions in the region. The aim of this investigation is the cultural interaction between the food producing economies of the Western Desert and the Nile Valley during the Neolithic Period.
Alessandro Guidi (University of Verona, Italy)