Becoming of Great Britain

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liamentary and government civil servants, takes the form of a parliamentary bill. Most bills are public in that they relate to public or state policies. Private bills involve individual, corporate or local interests. Public bills may be introduced in either House of Parliament by the government or by private MPs in their personal capacity. A private member's bill, which is usually on a topic of interest to that MP, is normally defeated for lack of parliamentary time or support. But some important private members' bills have survived the various hurdles and have become law, such as Acts concerning homosexuality, abortion and sexual offences. A government will sometimes prefer a private member to introduce minor or controversial legislation, with a promise of governmental support in Parliament. As a rule, politically contentious public bills go through the Commons first, but some of an uncontroversial nature may be initiated in the - Lords. Whichever procedure is used, the bill must have passed through both Houses at some stage.Commons is normally the most important procedural step in this process. A bill will receive a formal first reading when it is introduced into the Commons by the government or a private member. After a variable period ranging from one day to several months, the bill is given its second reading after a debate on its general principles. An alternative at this stage is that an uncontroversial bill may be referred to a committee to see whether it warrants a second reading. After either of these methods, the bill is then usually passed to a standing committee for detailed discussion and amendment. As an alternative it can be referred for detailed analysis to the whole House sitting as a committee. This committee stage is followed by the report stage, during which further amendments to the bill may be suggested. The third reading of the bill considers it in its final form, usually on a purely formal basis. However, debate is still possible at this stage if demanded by at least six MPs. This delaying tactic may sometimes be used by the opposition parties to hold up the passage of a bill. But the government, in its turn, can introduce a 'guillotine motion' which cuts off further debate.the third reading, a Commons bill will be sent to the House of Lords. It will then go through broadly the same stages again, except for those steps which are unique to the Commons. The Lords can delay a non-financial bill for two sessions, or roughly one year. It can also propose amendments, and if amended the bill goes back to the Commons for further consideration. This amending function is an important power, and has been frequently used in recent years. But the Lords' role today is to act as a forum for revision, rather than as a rival to the elected Commons. In practice, the Lords' amendments can sometimes lead to the acceptance of changes by the government, or even a withdrawal of the bill.the bill has eventually passed through the Lords, it is sent to the monarch for the Royal Assent, which has not been refused since the eighteenth century. After the royal signature has been added, the bill becomes an Act of Parliament and is entered on the statute-book as representing the law of the land at that time.process from bill to Act may appear unduly drawn out. But it does normally avoid the dangers of hasty legislation. It ensures that the bill is discussed at all levels. It also allows the opposition parties to join in the legislative process, either by carrying amendments or sometimes by voting down a bill with the help of smaller parties and disaffected members of the government party.bills are usually initiated by groups or organizations outside Parliament, such as local government authorities, which need special powers to carry out their business. The procedure for passing private bills is generally the same as for public bills, although in practice most of the work is done by committees.

The governmentBritish government normally consists of over a hundred ministers and other officials chosen from both Houses of Parliament, who are appointed by the monarch on the advice of the Prime Minister. They belong to the party which forms the majority in the Commons, and are collectively responsible for the administration of national affairs. The government can vary considerably in the number of ministers and departments set up by the Prime Minister. Prime Minister, who is appointed by the monarch and is normally the leader of the majority party in the Commons, possesses a great deal of patronage in choosing ministers and deciding on the composition of the government. The Prime Minister's power stems from majority support in Parliament; from the authority to choose and dismiss minister; from the leadership of the party in the country; and from a control over policy-making. The Prime Minister usually sits in the Commons, as do most of the ministers, where they may all be questioned and held accountable for government actions and decisions. The Prime Minister has historically been the connection between the monarch and parliamentary government. This convention continues today in the weekly audience with the monarch, at which the policies and business of the government are discussed.Prime Minister consequently has great power within the British system of government, and there are arguments which suggest that the office has become like an all-powerful presidency. But there are considerable checks on this power, both inside and outside the party and Parliament, which make the analogy less than accurate. However, it does seem that there is a greater emphasis upon prime ministerial government in Britain today, rather than the traditional constitutional notions of Cabinet government. Cabinet is normally composed of up to twenty senior ministers from the government, who are chosen and presided over by the Prime Minister. Examples are the Chancellor of the Exchequer (Finance Minister), the Foreign Secretary, the Home Secretary, the Minister of Defence, the Secretary of State for Education and Science, and the Secretary of State for Trade and Industry. The Cabinet structure originated historically in meetings that the monarch had with leading ministers in a small royal Cabinet, outside the framework of the Privy Council. As the monarch gradually ceased to play a part in active politics because of the growth of parliamentary government and party politics, the Royal Cabinet developed more authority and independence, and became a parliamentary body. theory has traditionally argued that the Cabinet collectively initiates and decides government policy. It has control of the government apparatus and ministries because it is composed of members of the majority party in the Commons. But the convention that government rule is Cabinet rule seems to have become increasingly weaker. Since the Prime Minister is responsible for Cabinet agendas and for the control of Cabinet proceedings, the Cabinet itself can become merely a 'rubber-stamp' to policies which have already been decided upon by the Prime Minister, or by a smaller group sometimes called the 'Inner Cabinet'. Cabinet government appears to have lost some of its original impetus, although there are frequent demands that more deliberative power should be restored to it. depends upon the personality of Prime Ministers in this situation. Some are strong and like to take the lead. Others have given the impression of working within the traditional Cabinet structure. Much of our information about the operation of the Cabinet comes from 'leaks', or information divulged by Cabinet ministers. Although the Cabinet meets in private and its discussions are meant to be secret, the public is usually and reliably informed of Cabinet deliberations by the media. mass and complexity of government business today, and the fact that ministers are very busy with their own departments, suggest that full debate in Cabinet on every item of policy is impossible. But it is widely felt that, while all the details cannot be discussed, the broad outlines of policy should be more vigorously debated in Cabinet. Critics argue that the present system concentrates too much power in the hands of the Prime Minister; overloads ministers with work; allows too many crucial decisions to be taken outside the Cabinet; and consequently reduces the notion of collective responsibility. responsibility is still an important constitutional concept, although some doubt its applicability today. Collective responsibility is that which all ministers, including those outside the Cabinet, share for government actions and policy. It means that Cabinet and other ministers should be seen to act as one. All must support a government decision in public, even though some may oppose it during the private deliberations. If a minister cannot do this, he or she may feel obliged to resign. addition to collective responsibility, a minister also has an individual responsibility for the work of the relevant government department. This means that the minister is answerable for any mistakes, wrongdoing or bad administration which occur, whether personally responsible for them or not. In such cases, the minister may resign, although this is not as common today as in the past. Such responsibility enables Parliament to maintain at least some control over executive actions because the minister is answerable to Parliament. The shadow of the Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration also hangs over the work of a minister and civil servants.departments (or ministries) are the chief instruments by which central government implements government policy. A change of government does not necessarily alter the number or functions of these departments. However, some governments have occasionally instituted programmes which have involved the reorganization, or replacement of existing ministries. Examples of government departments are the Foreign Office, the Mi