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Inversión social e ingresos
^ Mejoras en lo social, educativo y laboral presenta presupuesto de 2008
Caracas, 18 oct. Tribuna Popular TP/ABN.- El presupuesto de la nación correspondiente al año 2008 representa nuevos saltos en materia social, educativo y laboral con la intención de superar la pobreza, profundizar la atención en salud y garantizar recursos importantes para la educación y la vivienda, indicó este jueves el ministro del Poder Popular para las Finanzas, Rodrigo Cabezas.
Durante el acto de presentación del presupuesto 2008 en la Asamblea Nacional (AN), Cabezas expresó que el gasto de la República de 12 mil millones de bolívares fuertes (Bs.F) busca profundizar la inversión en las cadenas productivas.
Igualmente, revoluciones estratégicas en el sector de la petroquímica, aluminio, agroindustria, telecomunicaciones y ciencia y tecnología como una herramienta habilitadora de la socialización y divulgación del conocimiento.
Con satisfacción, con compromiso militante y socialista dijo que este presupuesto va a dar nuevos saltos en materia de gasto social, pues recordó que en el 2006 este ámbito representó el 40% del presupuesto de la República, en el 2007 fue de 41% y en el 2008 este rubro alcanzará un 46 del presupuesto de la nación.
Resaltó que la política integral de atención a los ancianos y estudiantes se fortalecerá con la asignación de 910 mil millones de bolívares fuertes para los proyectos alimentario escolar de las escuelas bolivarianas.
Asimismo, 7 mil 883 millones de bolívares fuertes para las pensiones a los adultos mayores, lo cual representa un 14% de incremento con relación al 2007 y 600 mil millones de bolívares fuertes para el programa de subsidio del pasaje estudiantil, es decir, 137% más que este año.
En relación a las misiones, Cabezas manifestó, que están colocando 5 mil 573 millones de bolívares fuertes para las misiones Robinson, Sucre, Barrio Adentro, Piar, Vuelvan Caras, Identidad, Milagro, Negra Hipólita, Madres del Barrio y Guaicaipuro, lo que representa un incremento de 71,75% con respecto al 2006.
Además, en este nuevo proyecto de presupuesto se están incorporado más de mil millones de bolívares fuertes para el pago de pasivos laborales con la intención de continuar la cancelación de pasivos a funcionarios del Estado, entre ellos médicos, maestros y personal jubilado.
Un elemento clave en la estrategia social es el Poder Popular representado a través de los consejos comunales, por ello el Ejecutivo Nacional propuso destinar 3 mil 424 millones de bolívares fuertes que consolidarán la meta de conformar el próximo año 100 mil consejos comunales en el país, dijo.
En relación con la política del gasto en el área educativo, Cabezas manifestó que los recursos dirigidos a los ministerios del Poder Popular para la Educación y para la Educación Superior representan el 21,7% del presupuesto del 2008.
Luego de revisar los presupuestos de diversos países de América Latina, el funcionario destacó con orgullo, que no hay en esta región una administración estatal que destine más recursos a la educación que el Gobierno revolucionario y socialista venezolano.
Asimismo, recordó que cuando el Gobierno revolucionario llegó al poder en 1998 la educación recibía aproximadamente un 9% del presupuesto nacional.
Cabezas hizo mención al aumento del 30% a los profesores, empleados y obreros del sector universitario, el 40% a los maestros y el 60% a los médicos para tratar de recuperar el salario de estos funcionarios del Estado venezolano.
Dijo que el 20% de gasto será de capital. De acuerdo con la clasificación formal destinarán recursos para dependencias del Ministerio del Poder Popular para la Educación, así como también para el embalse Puerto Maya, ubicado en el estado Vargas.
Para la rehabilitación de embalses en el territorio nacional, el saneamiento del río Güaire, el Banco Nacional de Vivienda y Hábitat (Banavih), la Electricidad de Caroní (Edelca), el Instituto de Ferrocarriles del Estado (Iafe) y el Instituto Nacional de Desarrollo Rural (Inder).
Para contrarrestar los rumores sobre el supuesto cercenamiento de las gobernaciones y alcaldías, Cabezas señaló que realizarán aportes a estas instituciones a través del Situado Constitucional.
Del Fondo Intergubernamental de Descentralización (Fides) y de la Ley de Asignaciones Económicas Especiales (LAEE) por un monto de 28 mil 643 millones de bolívares, lo que representa el 22,45% del ingreso ordinario.
Por otra parte, Cabezas disertó sobre las metas en relación a la política de endeudamiento y expresó que el próximo año harán procesos de refinanciamientos interesantes, así como esfuerzos para optimizar los costos de las deudas interna y externa.
Por diversificar las fuentes de financiamiento y por ampliar la participación de los ahorristas nacionales en los mercados primarios y secundarios.
Manifestó que trabajan con esfuerzo para lograr que la proporción del tamaño de la deuda pública con relación a la economía y al ingreso fiscal cada día pueda mejorar, al respecto, precisó, que esta situación ha venido mejorando sustancialmente.
Destinarán para los proyectos de endeudamiento 2 mil 400 millones de bolívares fuertes, donde están incluidos el ferrocarril Caracas-Tuy Medio, el tramo Puerto Cabello-La Encrucijada, el embalse La Vueltosa, la planta hidroeléctrica Masparro, presa Manuel Piar y la conservación del río Yacambú.
Los servicios de la deuda lo han fijado en 16 mil 71 millones de bolívares fuertes, el capital en 15 mil 441 y los intereses en mil 630. Ante esto anunció 'que en el presupuesto podemos dar un salto en relación al manejo presupuestario, ya que el 75% de los intereses que tenía que pagar la República fueron financiados con ingresos ordinarios'.
'En el 2008 del total de los intereses pagaremos con los recursos de la nación el 80%, lo cual demuestra la gestión responsable en materia de políticas públicas', explicó el titular de Finanzas.
Añadió que en la actualidad la deuda pública total con relación al fisco nacional es de 21.34% y agregó que para el 2008, tienen programado que esta cifra será de 19,6% del Producto Interno Bruto (PIB).
Dijo que la deuda externa ha descendido de 25% en 1998 a 13% en el 2007 y aseguró que el próximo año estará ubicada en 12,7% pues admitió que es absolutamente manejable por la República este tema.
Por último, el ministro Cabezas, señaló que el presupuesto del 2008 profundizará los indicadores de desarrollo humano, consolidará la soberanía alimentaria y avanzará hacia la construcción de una sociedad bolivariana y socialista justa.
^ Inversión social se incrementa en Presupuesto de la Nación 2008
La tendencia hacia el aumento de los recursos del Presupuesto Nacional dirigidos hacia el gasto social se mantiene en el año 2008.
Así lo precisó el ministro del Poder Popular para las Finanzas, Rodrigo Cabezas, quien informó que para el año 2008 se dirigirán 5 mil 563 millones de bolívares fuertes sólo a las distintas misiones que adelanta el Gobierno nacional.
En ese sentido, precisó que ello representa un incremento porcentual de 61,65% en comparación con el presupuesto que actualmente se ejecuta.
Entre las misiones que ejecuta actualmente el Gobierno nacional figuran las educativas Robinson, Rivas y Sucre además de Barrio Adentro, Guaicaicupo, Negra Hipólita y Piar, entre otras.
El Ministro presentó ante los legisladores el Marco Plurianual 2008-2010 y el Plan Operativo Anual para el ejercicio fiscal del próximo año.
La actividad se llevó a cabo en el Hemiciclo Protocolar donde el funcionario también reflexionó con respecto al escenario nacional y mundial en el cual se presenta el anteproyecto de ley de presupuesto 2008.
Acotó que el precio del petróleo se fijó en 35 dólares por barril y el tipo de cambio en 2,15 bolívares fuertes por dólar. Agregó que estos dos parámetros son claves para la dinámica económica.
Cabezas reiteró que no habrá el próximo año devaluación sino que por el contrario se trabaja para la estabilidad cambiaria en el país.
En materia de crecimiento económico, el mismo se establece en 6 puntos con lo cual el país alcanzaría el quinto año consecutivo de crecimiento.
En la sede del Poder Legislativo también estuvieron presentes el superintendente de Administración Aduanera y Tributaria, José Gregorio Vielma Mora, y el director de la Oficina Nacional de Presupuesto (Onapre), Alfredo Pardo.
Previo a la presentación el ministro y el superintendente se reunieron con el diputado Ricardo Sanguino, presidente de la Comisión de Finanzas y con otros miembros de esta instancia legislativa.
^ Más de Bs. 75 billones alcanzará el ingreso no petrolero en el 2008
Un total de 75 billones 869 millardos (Bs.F. 75 mil 869 millones) debe recaudar el Servicio Nacional Integrado de Administración Tributaria (Seniat) para el año 2008 según los cálculos del proyecto de presupuesto de la nación presentado por el Ministro del Poder Popular para las Finanzas, Rodrigo Cabezas.
De acuerdo a lo expresado por Cabezas, en lo referente al ingreso por concepto de impuestos sobre la renta se espera que se recaude un total de 22 mil 186 millones bolívares fuertes.
“Igualmente por la recaudación del Impuesto al Valor Agregado (Iva), se estima un total de 27 mil 148 millones de bolívares fuertes para el próximo año, obviamente calculado sobre la tasa del 9%”, aseveró Cabezas.
Sin embargo Cabezas aseguró que el Estado venezolano en su visión socialista aspira a construir un sistema tributario estrictamente progresivo, “lo ideal es que vayan desapareciendo los impuestos al consumo directo y centrarnos al impuesto sobre la renta y la ganancia súbita, a los lujos. Quien más tenga que más contribuya al crecimiento de los programas sociales”.
De acuerdo a Cabezas la intención es colocar los impuestos al servicio de la lucha contra la exclusión social.
Además el Ministro de Finanzas informó que el ingreso por deudas está calculado en aproximadamente 9 mil 900 millones de bolívares fuertes.
“Quise comparar además la distribución porcentual de estos ingresos para que se observen los cambios en la economía venezolana. En 1997 los ingresos petroleros representaban el 56% del presupuesto, hoy representan el 37,6%. Igualmente hace 10 años los ingresos no petroleros representaban entre 37% y 45%. En el presupuesto que estamos entregando hoy estos representan el 51%”, explicó Cabezas.
^ Presupuesto 2008 proyecta un ingreso petrolero de Bs.F. 51 millardos
Un total de 51 mil 714 millones de bolívares fuertes es el ingreso petrolero que proyecta el Ministerio del Poder Popular para las Finanzas en el Presupuesto del año 2008, según afirmó el titular de ese ministerio, Rodrigo Cabezas.
Cabezas aseguró que el aporte que se espera de Petróleos de Venezuela (Pdvsa) en materia de impuestos sobre la renta será de 15 mil 206 millones de bolívares fuertes.
“Por concepto de regalías petroleras acumularán más de 28 mil millones de bolívares fuertes”, aseguró Cabezas.
Igualmente, según explicó el titular del despacho de Finanzas, en lo referente a los impuestos por extracción Pdvsa aportará al ingreso de la nación 3 mil 184 millones de bolívares fuertes.
Los dividendos de la industria petrolera según aseguró Cabezas alcanzará los 4 mil 300 millones de bolívares fuertes.
“Sin embargo aunque estos son los aportes de Pdvsa al fisco, la labor de nuestra petrolera no se queda ahí. La empresa participa en el gasto social, tan criticado por la derecha pero tan defendido por la revolución. Esa que se comprometió a terminar con la deuda social acumulada”, expresó Cabezas.
El ministro afirmó que el estimado del ingreso por concepto de actividad petrolera se calculó tomando en cuenta el establecimiento del precio del barril de petróleo en 35 dólares.
“El precio que hemos fijado para el barril es una manera de proteger este crecimiento económico que hemos logrado, de las desavenencias que se esperan en otras economías a nivel mundial”, concluyó.
^ In Colombia, a Rural Community in Peaceful Resistance Against a Repressive Government
The Arrests of Three ACVC Leaders Is Revenge Against a Region That Has Rejected Uribe and His Paramilitary Allies
Luis Alberto Matta / Sunday 21 October 2007
Editor's Note: On September 30, Narco News reported the arrest of three leaders and one additional member of the Peasant Farmer Association of the Cimitarra River Valley (ACVC in its Spanish initials). The four unarmed men, important organizers in a region that has survived years of paramilitary massacres, abuses by the army and toxic crop fumigations under Plan Colombia, were detained and their office raided in operations carried out by dozens of security agents and intelligence police.
On October 5, the four men were charged with "rebellion" and denied bail. They must now stay in jail while prosecutors build their case, which will take as long as six months. Today, we translate an article by human rights defender and former advisor to the departmental (state) government of Valle de Cauca Luis Alberto Matta, which explains the history of the organization and the region where it works, showing why a peaceful peasant farmer association is seen as such a threat by the country's politicians.
On October 31, 2001, in the middle of his presidential campaign, Alvaro Uribe Velez met with Fremio Sanchez Carreno, a paramilitary boss from the city of Barrancabermeja known by the alias "Esteban." In
that and other meetings, the future President Uribe made dark commitments to landowners, merchants and local politicians of dubious reputation.
Although more than 75 percent of Barrancabermeja's people abstained from voting in that turbulent election, the fascist right celebrated Uribe's triumph, announcing that the time had come to extend its
domination to the countryside. A short time later, in the first week of December 2002, the president ordered a massive military operation against the rural region of the Cimitarra River Valley. This offensive, which is still going on, has a specific aim: to dismantle and/or destroy the Peasant Farmer Association of the Cimitarra River
Valley.
Since that time, the ACVC has suffered through a shameful, illegal siege, which has included the destruction of its productive projects, subsistence food crops fumigated with glyphosate, cooperative mills
and processing stations burned to the ground, houses raided and plundered, arbitrary arrests, selective crimes, food blockades, rapes, cattle theft and other types of pillage and violence.
Nevertheless, what Uribe did was simply to intensify a strategy initiated by his predecessor Andres Pastrana, who, acting on the advice of Plan Colombia mercenaries, had already ordered "Operation Bolivar" in April of 2001. That strike was designed in the army's 5th Brigade, and led by General Martin Orlando Carreno Sandoval. Gen. Carreno is accused of having followed in the footsteps of Harold Bedoya, consolidating the narco-paramilitary expansion throughout the Middle Magdalena region - including the towns of San Vicented de Chucuri, El Carmen, Sabana de Torres, Simiti, Puerto Wilches - and extending the paramilitary dominion north of the Middle Magdalena into the department of Norte de Santander, especially the city of Cucuta and the Cataumbo region, which became the scene of horrifying massacres.
The memories of other sad episodes in the life of Barrancabermeja's people cannot be easily erased; episodes such as the massacres of September 23, 1999 and January 22, 2000, shamefully justified by
then-police commander Colonel Martinez Santamaria.
And so it was that the urban area of Barrancabermeja, considered the political capital of Middle Magdalena, cradle of the left and of memorable workers' and popular struggles, came under paramilitary
domination. The unions and human rights organizations - most notably, the USO oil workers' union, the Popular Feminine Organization (OFP) and the Regional Human Rights Corporation (CREDHOS) - courageously opposed this invasion. Nevertheless, these and other organizations lost influence among the threatened civilian population, and nearly every effort to halt the paraco advance proved useless, despite
international accompaniment such as that offered in nearby areas by Christian Peacemaker Teams.
In the midst of this tragedy, other social projects, obviously separate from the Left, have managed to move forward nearly without setbacks. One of them is the Program for Development and Peace of the
Magdalena Medio Region (PDPMM), funded by the World Bank and sectors of the Catholic Church. The PDPMM has been developed in 30 municipalities (equivalent to U.S. counties) over nearly two decades,
including in the remote southern parts of the Bolivar and Cesar departments.
While paramilitary domination of Barrancabermeja was consolidated during the Pastrana administration and Uribe's first term, it began under the government of Ernesto Samper. We must remember how on May
16, 1998, after "mysteriously" evading a number of police and military roadblocks, three truckloads of paramilitaries entered the urban area and, free from any problems from the authorities, tortured and
murdered seven people, then kidnapped 35 more, mostly young people, who all disappeared. This carnage, still unpunished, was carried out by the same people who now hope to consolidate the process in the
rural area.
What were the agreements that Uribe reached in those mysterious electoral meetings? Why is there so much fury from the president toward this agrarian region? For now, we can find a few answers in the
violent terrorist attack on the Peasant Farmer Association of the Cimitarra River Valley.
Made up of colonos (pioneer farmers who have colonized what was once wilderness), of the politically persecuted, of survivors of the Patriotic Union party, and by those forced to flee paramilitary violence in neighboring lands, the ACVC was founded in December 1996, and today represents a focal point of peaceful and popular resistance to the paramilitary strategy of the region's landed elite.
It was founded just after the extraordinary peasant and indigenous marches that shook Colombia in August and September of 1996. The protests occurred in seven regions of the country, from the Amazon, to
the eastern plains, to the Andes - including southern Bolivar and Middle Magdalena. The state repression was fierce, and the protesters' demands - for land, rural investment, protection for the rural economy and from malnutrition, education, public health, coordinated programs to substitute legal crops for coca, and a political solution to the social and armed conflict - were all ignored.
Faced with the government's refusal to attend to their demands, the ACVC began its own search for alternatives, relying on its own creativity and relationships with development organizations, and put
into action a brilliant organizational process that includes a high level of political education.
The first time that I met campesinos from the ACVC personally, it was in early 2000 on the way to a political meeting. A noisy crowd of locals, including an USO leader, showed up to hire a truck right where
I was waiting for a bus, and at the last minute invited me to share the transport.
One of them couldn't fit onto the benches, and, amid the friendly mocking of the others, found a spot next to me on the back of the truck. After 20 minutes, and after passing the military roadblock, my travel companion starting to sing popular folk songs at the top of his lungs, including a protest song or two. He asked me a few questions, and when he discovered that we were going to the same event, he shared with me, in simple words, several basic opinions about the situation in this country, immediately revealing a surprising political lucidity. I found out that his name was Miguel Huepa, and that he was part of a peasant farmer delegation from Cimitarra.
According to Cesar Jerez, one of the association's members and the co-founder of the Prensa Rural news agency, the ACVC was born in the heat of rural struggle. It is composed of more than one hundred
Communal Action Committees (which serve as legally recognized governments in small villages) and agrarian organizations distributed throughout five municipalities: Yondo (Antioquia department), Catagallo and San Pablo (Bolivar), Remedios (Antioquia) and the oil port of Barrancabermeja (Santander).
In the words of Miguel Cifuentes, one of the association's leaders and an agricultural engineer by trade, "there is a deep political initiative in the association and an extraordinary human capacity."
"Its territory is strategic, and very coveted," he adds, bluntly. And the truth is that the land where the ACVC works is saturated with freshwater sources, oil and gold exploitation zones, forests and jungles rich in biodiversity, rivers and streams rich with fish, fertile hillsides perfect for traditional agriculture, and around
27,000 inhabitants vigorously held together by their popular and democratic organizational process. Their central purpose is to work for social development and a sustainable environment, and for the defense of human rights.
Those who belong to the ACVC proudly express a sense of belonging. On two separate occasions I had the good fortune to share a few weeks with people from the association, and among the most surprising and imaginative proposals I heard was the project for "preparation and training of our human and logistic resources, for the management of productive projects in the Cimitarra River Valley." Their leaders are
visionary, they know how to live and work in solidarity, they are cheerful and disciplined, and they always think beyond their own region. Once, in Bogota, I saw Andres Gil choosing and purchasing books on sociology, the agrarian movement, environmental questions and literature, as he said how happy he was over the possibility to improve the plan of study in his communities.
During one tour, I listened to Andres Gil and Luis Carlos Ariza when they explained in a simple manner the interesting advances and difficulties in projects like the Puerto Matilde village aqueduct, the housing improvements in the rural areas of Yondo and Remedios, the multipurpose buffalo farming they are setting up, the sugarcane crops and simple machines to process panela sugar they have installed, the rice plantations and hullers, the marketing cooperative, and the medical program, among others. These projects have been funded by United Nations programs and bank loans, and sometimes with municipal resources as part of rural aid programs. The organizational and economic success, and the consolidation of the human rights network of the Cimitarra River Valley, as well as the implementation of an early alert system against abuses, have unleashed
the hatred of the far right. The paramilitary forces cannot tolerate the existence of such an example of rural development, and even less that the ACVC has proposed the creation of a Rural Agricultural Reserve to protect the land. They know that even though they have committed atrocities against the ACVC's grassroots membership, and have assassinated numerous leaders such as Diomedes Playonero, Orlando Triana Moncada, Carlos Ramirez and Nelcy Cuesta, among others, the association's dignity and initiative have remained strong.
Not allowing themselves to be intimidated, in the last three years the ACVC has strengthened its relationships with several university departments, provoking student interest in the problems of the
countryside. Today, interesting and innovative initiatives are in motion, like the campaign to protect the Cimitarra River caimans and turtles, the comprehensive forrest protection project, and the now
publicized campaign against Monsanto.
The Uribe government, visibly angry, has unleashed a new wave of attacks, and on September 29, 2007, just before the national mobilization called by the National Coordination of Agrarian and
Popular Organizations of Colombia, ordered the arrest of several of its leaders. The DAS and army commandos moved against the ACVC in Catagallo and Barrancabermeja. Let's not forget that the DAS is the
government's political police force, whose previous chief is accused of coordinating crimes against trade unionists with the paramilitaries.
The detention of Andres Gil, Oscar Duque and Evaristo Mena occurred in the village of El Cagui, on the San Lorenzo marsh in the municipality of Catagallo, while they were participating in a meeting with the
community. The government agents shot into the air to intimidate the people there. Later, the peasant-farmer leaders were transported in helicopters to different military facilities, and are being treated as prisoners of war. The same day, an assault team raided the ACVC's headquarters in Barrancabermeja, while in another part of the city they arrested Mario Martinez, another Middle Magdalena rural leader.
This is the revenge of the government and its followers against a civil and peaceful organization. It marks the advance of the agreements Uribe signed with the corrupt politicians of the Middle Magdalena, and perhaps also with paramilitaries like Fremio "Esteban" Sanchez Carreno (whose superior was Middle Magdalena paramilitary chief Ramon Isaza), who all hope to compromise the rural area as they have done in urban Barrancabermeja and its surrounding municipalities. The ACVC's spirit of resistance, its progressive and peaceful philosophy, its open support for a human agreement and prisoner exchange between the government and the guerrillas, and the political-organizational principals it is founded on, are all factors in complete contradiction to the President Uribe's neoliberal, militarist project.
We must alert the international community, and denounce this fascist, victimizing, mafioso government, until its machinery of terror and death grind to a halt. Immediate freedom for the imprisoned members of
the ACVC!
englishserviceprensarural@gruposyahoo.com
T h e G u a r d i a n 1 4 N o v e m b e r , 2 0 0 7
V e n e z u e l a a n d C h i n a
f o r m b i l a t e r a l d e v e l o p m e n t f u n d
T h e g o v e r n m e n t s o f C h i n a a n d V e n e z u e l a s i g n e d s e v e r a l n e w b i l a t e r a l a g r e e m e n t s , i n c l u d i n g a b i l a t e r a l d e v e l o p m e n t f u n d i n C a r a c a s l a s t T u e s d a y . T h e t w o c o u n t r i e s p l a n t o d e e p e n c o o p e r a t i o n i n t h e a r e a s o f e n e r g y , t e c h n o l o g y , a n d f i n a n c i n g , a n d i n c r e a s e t h e s u p p l y o f V e n e z u e l a n o i l t o t h e A s i a n c o u n t r y . V e n e z u e l a n P r e s i d e n t H u g o C h ? v e z e m p h a s i s e d t h e h i s t o r i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e o f t h e n e w r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t h e t w o c o u n t r i e s .
" N e v e r i n h i s t o r y h a s V e n e z u e l a h a d t h e a l l i e s t h a t w e n o w h a v e i n t h e w o r l d " , s a i d C h ? v e z , e x p l a i n i n g t h a t a f t e r y e a r s o f c o l o n i a l i s m , V e n e z u e l a i s n o w " f r e e " . T h e e v e n t c o m e s a f t e r V e n e z u e l a s i g n e d e c o n o m i c a g r e e m e n t s w i t h m a n y d i f f e r e n t c o u n t r i e s i n r e c e n t w e e k s , i n c l u d i n g R u s s i a a n d A l g e r i a .
P r e s i d e n t C h ? v e z w a s a c c o m p a n i e d b y V e n e z u e l a n M i n i s t e r o f P l a n n i n g a n d D e v e l o p m e n t J o r g e G i o r d a n i a n d E n e r g y M i n i s t e r R a f a e l R a m i r e z , a l o n g w i t h s e v e r a l r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s f r o m t h e P e o p l e s R e p u b l i c o f C h i n a .
O u t o f a t o t a l o f 1 1 n e w a g r e e m e n t s , t h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t w a s t h e c r e a t i o n o f a j o i n t d e v e l o p m e n t f u n d b e t w e e n t h e t w o n a t i o n s f o r a t o t a l o f U S $ 6 b i l l i o n t o b e i n v e s t e d i n v a r i o u s d e v e l o p m e n t p r o j e c t s i n b o t h c o u n t r i e s a n d t o f o m e n t t h e c o o p e r a t i v e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t h e m .
O f t h e $ 6 b i l l i o n , t h e C h i n e s e D e v e l o p m e n t B a n k w i l l c o n t r i b u t e $ 4 b i l l i o n , a n d V e n e z u e l a s N a t i o n a l D e v e l o p m e n t F u n d ( F o n d e n ) w i l l p r o v i d e t h e o t h e r $ 2 b i l l i o n . C h ? v e z s t a t e d t h a t t h e f u n d c o u l d p o s s i b l y r e a c h a s m u c h a s $ 1 0 b i l l i o n i n t h e n e a r f u t u r e .
A l s o s i g n e d w a s a n a g r e e m e n t t o c r e a t e a j o i n t t e c h n i c a l o f f i c e b e t w e e n V e n e z u e l a s S o c i a l D e v e l o p m e n t B a n k ( B a n d e s ) a n d t h e C h i n e s e D e v e l o p m e n t B a n k t o d i r e c t f u t u r e s t r a t e g i c d e v e l o p m e n t p r o j e c t s i n i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , i n d u s t r y , a n d e n e r g y .
E n e r g y M i n i s t e r R a f a e l R a m i r e z a l s o s i g n e d a g r e e m e n t s w i t h t h e C h i n a N a t i o n a l P e t r o l e u m C o m p a n y f o r c o o p e r a t i v e p r o j e c t s i n t h e e n e r g y s e c t o r , i n c l u d i n g a n i n c r e a s e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f t h e C h i n e s e o i l c o m p a n y i n V e n e z u e l a s v a s t O r i n o c o r e s e r v e s . T h e t w o a l s o a g r e e d o n a p l a n t o s u p p l y V e n e z u e l a n f u e l o i l t o t h e C h i n e s e m a r k e t .
C h ? v e z e m p h a s i s e d t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f a n a g r e e m e n t t o i n c r e a s e t h e s u p p l y o f V e n e z u e l a n p e t r o l e u m t o t h e A s i a n c o u n t r y . H e s a i d t h a t b y t h e e n d o f t h i s y e a r t h e t o t a l s u p p l y t o C h i n a w o u l d b e a t 3 5 0 , 0 0 0 b a r r e l s d a i l y , a n d w o u l d r e a c h 5 0 0 , 0 0 0 b a r r e l s d a i l y b y t h e e n d o f 2 0 0 8 . H e a s s u r e d t h a t t h e s u p p l y w i l l c o n t i n u e t o i n c r e a s e y e a r b y y e a r t o r e a c h a r o u n d o n e m i l l i o n b a r r e l s p e r d a y b y 2 0 1 0 o r 2 0 1 1 .
" V e n e z u e l a n e v e r s o l d a n y o i l t o C h i n a b e c a u s e i t w a s v e r y f a r a w a y " , s a i d C h ? v e z , r e c a l l i n g t h a t o n l y a f e w y e a r s a g o V e n e z u e l a s s u p p l y t o C h i n a w a s z e r o .
V e n e z u e l a s s t r a t e g y i s t o d i v e r s i f y i t s m a r k e t s , t o n o t d e p e n d s o m u c h o n s u p p l y i n g o i l t o t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s . C h i n a , w i t h 5 0 0 , 0 0 0 b a r r e l s o f V e n e z u e l a n o i l d a i l y , w o u l d c o m e m u c h c l o s e r t o t h e U S s c u r r e n t l e v e l o f c o n s u m p t i o n o f V e n e z u e l a n o i l µ a b o u t 1 . 5 m i l l i o n b a r r e l s p e r d a y .
T h e t w o c o u n t r i e s a l s o p l a n t o i n c r e a s e C h i n a s o i l r e f i n i n g c a p a c i t y a n d t o d e v e l o p t h e n e c e s s a r y f l e e t o f o i l t a n k e r s t o t r a n s p o r t t h e o i l t o t h e C h i n e s e m a r k e t . A n a g r e e m e n t w a s s i g n e d b e t w e e n t h e P D V S A ( t h e V e n e z u e l a n S t a t e O i l C o m p a n y ) a f f i l i a t e P D V M a r i n a , a n d C h i n a s P e t r o c h i n a I n t e r n a t i o n a l C o m p a n y .
" T h i s a c c o r d i s e x t r e m e l y i m p o r t a n t b e c a u s e i t w i l l a l l o w u s t o l o w e r c o s t s i n t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a n d n o t d e p e n d u p o n i n t e r m e d i a r i e s , w h i c h i n f l a t e t h e c o s t s a l o t " , s a i d C h ? v e z .
O t h e r j o i n t c o m p a n i e s w i l l a l s o b e f o r m e d t o p r o d u c e t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s e q u i p m e n t i n V e n e z u e l a s u c h a s c e l l u l a r p h o n e s . O n e o f t h e c o m p a n i e s w i l l b e c a l l e d V e n e z o l a n a d e T e l c o m u n i c a c i o n e s a n d w i l l u s e t e c h n o l o g y f r o m t h e C h i n e s e c o m p a n y Z T E .
A n o t h e r j o i n t c o m p a n y w i l l b e f o r m e d b e t w e e n T e l e c o m V e n e z u e l a a n d C h i n a s H u w e i t o p r o d u c e t e l e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s e q u i p m e n t t o b e s o l d t h r o u g h o u t L a t i n A m e r i c a . C h i n a s E l e c t r i c a l A p p l i a n c e s C o r p o r a t i o n w i l l f o r m a j o i n t c o m p a n y w i t h V e n e z u e l a s C o r p o r a t i o n o f I n t e r m e d i a t e I n d u s t r y t o p r o d u c e a p p l i a n c e s i n V e n e z u e l a s u c h a s r e f r i g e r a t o r s , s t o v e s , a n d a i r c o n d i t i o n e r s .
C h ? v e z e m p h a s i s e d t h a t t h e c o u n t r y s i n c r e a s e d r e l a t i o n s w i t h c o u n t r i e s l i k e C h i n a i s a h i s t o r i c a l c h a n g e , a n d c o m p a r e d t h e s o c i a l i s t r e v o l u t i o n o f C h i n a t o t h e s i t u a t i o n i n V e n e z u e l a t o d a y .
" L o o k a t t h e h i s t o r y o f C h i n a . W h a t w a s t h e s i t u a t i o n o f t h e C h i n e s e p e o p l e 5 0 y e a r s a g o , b e f o r e t h e a r r i v a l o f t h e C h i n e s e R e v o l u t i o n ?
" S t u d y t h e s i t u a t i o n o f m i s e r y t h a t t h e y l i v e d i n , t h e s i t u a t i o n o f e d u c a t i o n , h e a l t h , e x t r e m e b a c k w a r d n e s s , u n t i l t h e c o n d i t i o n s m a t u r e d a n d t h e C h i n e s e R e v o l u t i o n t o o k p l a c e ; t h e p e o p l e b e i n g t h e f u e l o f t h a t r e v o l u t i o n " , h e s a i d .
" H e r e w e a r e b u i l d i n g o u r s o c i a l i s m a f t e r y e a r s o f c o l o n i a l i s m a n d o f b e i n g t h e b a c k y a r d o f t h e e m p i r e . W e a r e g o i n g t o t r a n s f o r m V e n e z u e l a i n t o a w o r l d p o w e r ! "
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V o u s p o u v e z m a n i f e s t e r v o t r e s o l i d a r i t ? a v e c c e u x e t c e l l e s q u i , a u P a k i s t a n , s o n t p r ? s e n t e m e n t a r r ? t ? s
L e r ? g i m e d e M u s h a r r a f , a u P a s l i s t a n , s a t t a q u e b r u t a l e m e n t a u x a v o c a t s e t m i l i t a n t s p o l i t i q u e s q u i s o p p o s e n t ? l ? t a t d u r g e n c e , p r o c l a m ? s a m e d i d e r n i e r . D a n s c e c o n t e x t e , l a C a m p a g n e p o u r l a D ? f e n s e d u S y n d i c a l i s m e a u P a k i s t a n ( P T U D C ) a ? t ? l o b j e t d u n e g r a v e a t t a q u e : C h a u d h a r y M u n i r A h m e d , p r ? s i d e n t d e l A s s o c i a t i o n d e s A v o c a t s d e K a s u r , m e m b r e d u P T U D C e t f r ? r e c a d e t d u d ? p u t ? e t p r ? s i d e n t d u P T U D C M a n z o o r A h m e d , a ? t ? a r r ? t ? e n m ? m e t e m p s q u e d a u t r e s d i r i g e a n t s o u v r i e r s e t a v o c a t s a c t i f s d a n s l e P T U D C . A t r a v e r s c e s a r r e s t a t i o n s , c e s t a u s s i t o u t l e m o u v e m e n t o u v r i e r p a k i s t a n a i s q u i e s t t o u c h ? .
L e s p e r s o n n e s s u i v a n t e s o n t ? g a l e m e n t ? t ? a r r ? t ? e s :
A i t z a z A h s a n , m e m b r e d e l A s s e m b l ? e n a t i o n a l e e t p r ? s i d e n t d e l A s s o c i a t i o n d e s
a v o c a t s d e l a C o u r S u p r ? m e
A h s a n B h o o n , p r ? s i d e n t d e s A v o c a t s d e l a H a u t e C o u r d e L a h o r e
L i a q a t S a h i , S e c r ? t a i r e g ? n ? r a l d u s y n d i c a t d e s t r a v a i l l e u r s d e l a B a n q u e d E t a t
( C B A ) , e t m e m b r e d u P T U D C
F a r i d A w a n , d i r i g e a n t o u v r i e r ? K a r a c h i , m e m b r e d u P T U D C
I r s h a d S h a r , m e m b r e d e l e x ? c u t i f d e l A s s o c i a t i o n d e s A v o c a t s d e M a l i r
( K a r a c h i ) , e t m i l i t a n t d u P T U D C .
N o u s e n a p p e l o n s a u x m i l i t a n t s e t a v o c a t s d e t o u s l e s p a y s p o u r q u i l e n v o i e n t d e s m e s s a g e s d e s o l i d a r i t ? ? c e s d i r i g e a n t s d u m o u v e m e n t d e s a v o c a t s c o n t r e l e r ? g i m e d e M u s h a r r a f e t l a d i c t a t u r e m i l i t a i r e . V o u s p o u v e z e n v o y e r v o s m e s s a g e s s u r l e s i t e d u P T U D C e n c l i q u a n t i c i .
C e s a r r e s t a t i o n s c o n f i r m e n t q u e l ? t a t d u r g e n c e p r o c l a m ? p a r l e p r ? s i d e n t M u s h a r r a f e s t u n e m e n a c e d i r e c t e c o n t r e l ' e n s e m b l e d e s f o r c e s d ? m o c r a t i q u e s , y i n c l u s l e s s y n d i c a t s . L a p o l i c e e s t i n v e s t i e d e p o u v o i r s d i n t e r p e l l a t i o n e x c e p t i o n n e l s . B i e n q u e c e s p o u v o i r s a i e n t j u s q u a l o r s ? t ? e s s e n t i e l l e m e n t u t i l i s ? s c o n t r e l e s a v o c a t s e t l e s m i l i t a n t s d e l o p p o s i t i o n , i l s p o u r r a i e n t ? g a l e m e n t ? t r e u t i l i s ? s c o n t r e d e s g r ? v e s e t d e s m a n i f e s t a t i o n s d e t r a v a i l l e u r s . D ? j ? , a v a n t q u e l ? t a t d u r g e n c e n e s o i t p r o c l a m ? , l e s g r ? v e s e t m a n i f e s t a t i o n s d e t r a v a i l l e u r s ? t a i e n t t o u j o u r s m e n a c ? e s d e r ? p r e s s i o n p a r l a p p a r e i l d E t a t .
D ? j ? , e t b i e n a v a n t q u e l ? t a t d u r g e n c e n e s o i t p r o c l a m ? , l e s g r ? v e s e t m a n i f e s t a t i o n s d e t r a v a i l l e u r s ? t a i e n t t o u j o u r s m e n a c ? e s d e r ? p r e s s i o n p a r l a p p a r e i l d E t a t .
I l y a e u d e n o m b r e u x c o n f l i t s s y n d i c a u x a u c o u r s d e l a d e r n i ? r e p ? r i o d e . L e d e r n i e r e n d a t e f u t c e l u i d e s t e c h n i c i e n s d e l a P a k i s t a n I n t e r n a t i o n a l A i r l i n e s ( P I A ) , l a v e i l l e d e l a p r o c l a m a t i o n d e l ? t a t d u r g e n c e . L e s t r a v a i l l e u r s d e m a n d a i e n t d e s a u g m e n t a t i o n s d e s a l a i r e e t u n e a m ? l i o r a t i o n d e l e u r s c o n d i t i o n s d e t r a v a i l . L a g r ? v e a p r o v o q u ? l a n n u l a t i o n d e 9 2 v o l s n a t i o n a u x e t i n t e r n a t i o n a u x , e t t o u s l e s a ? r o p o r t s d u p a y s ? t a i e n t d ? s e r t s .
L a g r ? v e d e s t e c h n i c i e n s d e l a P I A e s t s y m p t o m a t i q u e . L e s p r i v a t i s a t i o n s , l e s f e r m e t u r e s e t l e s p l a n s d e l i c e n c i e m e n t d ? t r u i s e n t d e s m i l l i e r s d e m p l o i s . L e n o u v e a u s y s t ? m e d e c o n t r a t s d e t r a v a i l e t l e s b a i s s e s d e s a l a i r e p o u s s e n t d e p l u s e n p l u s d e t r a v a i l l e u r s ? s e m o b i l i s e r p a r d e s g r ? v e s e t d e s m a n i f e s t a t i o n s .
I l y a ? g a l e m e n t e u u n c o n f l i t ? l a W a t e r & P o w e r D e v e l o p m e n t A u t h o r i t y ( W A P D A ) . L e 1 1 s e p t e m b r e , d e s ? l e c t i o n s s y n d i c a l e s s e s o n t t e n u e s ? l a W A D P A . H y d r o , l e s y n d i c a t t r a d i t i o n n e l , l a e m p o r t ? d e p l u s d e 3 7 0 0 0 v o i x . L e s s y n d i c a t s s o u t e n u s p a r l e g o u v e r n e m e n t e t l e s f o n d a m e n t a l i s t e s o n t ? t ? s ? v ? r e m e n t b a t t u s .
? p r ? s c e t t e ? c r a s a n t e v i c t o i r e , l e s t r a v a i l l e u r s o n t m e n a c ? d e s e m e t t r e e n g r ? v e , m a i s l e g o u v e r n e m e n t a d ? c i d ? d i m p o s e r s a p o l i t i q u e d e p r i v a t i s a t i o n e t d e r e s t r u c t u r a t i o n d e l a W A D P A . D u f a i t d e l a p r e s s i o n c r o i s s a n t e d e s t r a v a i l l e u r s , u n e a p p e l n a t i o n a l a ? t ? l a n c ? p o u r p r o t e s t e r c o n t r e c e s m e s u r e s , l e 3 0 o c t o b r e . D a n s d e n o m b r e u s e s v i l l e s , d e s c e n t a i n e s d e s a l a r i ? s o n t p r i s p a r t ? d e s m a n i f e s t a t i o n s . L a m b i a n c e ? t a i t t r ? s m i l i t a n t e , e t l e s t r a v a i l l e u r s m e n a ? a i e n t « d ? t e i n d r e l e s l u m i ? r e s » s i l e u r s r e v e n d i c a t i o n s n ? t a i e n t p a s s a t i s f a i t e s .
D a n s l e c o n t e x t e d e m o n t ? e g r a n d i s s a n t e d e l a r ? p r e s s i o n a u P a k i s t a n e t d e l a s u p p r e s s i o n d e s d r o i t s d ? m o c r a t i q u e s l e s p l u s ? l ? m e n t a i r e s , l a s o l i d a r i t ? e s t p l u s q u e j a m a i s d e m i s e .
h t t p : / / w w w . p c q . q c . c a / D o s s i e r s / A s i e / P a k i s t s a n / R e p r e s s i o n P a k i s t a n . h t m
L e r ? g i m e d e M u s h a r r a f , a u P a k i s t a n , s a t t a q u e b r u t a l e m e n t a u x a v o c a t s e t m i l i t a n t s p o l i t i q u e s q u i s o p p o s e n t ? l ? t a t d u r g e n c e , p r o c l a m ? s a m e d i d e r n i e r . D a n s c e c o n t e x t e , l a C a m p a g n e p o u r l a D ? f e n s e d u S y n d i c a l i s m e a u P a k i s t a n ( P T U D C ) a ? t ? l o b j e t d u n e g r a v e a t t a q u e : C h a u d h a r y M u n i r A h m e d , p r ? s i d e n t d e l A s s o c i a t i o n d e s A v o c a t s d e K a s u r , m e m b r e d u P T U D C e t f r ? r e c a d e t d u d ? p u t ? e t p r ? s i d e n t d u P T U D C M a n z o o r A h m e d , a ? t ? a r r ? t ? e n m ? m e t e m p s q u e d a u t r e s d i r i g e a n t s o u v r i e r s e t a v o c a t s a c t i f s d a n s l e P T U D C . A t r a v e r s c e s a r r e s t a t i o n s , c e s t a u s s i t o u t l e m o u v e m e n t o u v r i e r p a k i s t a n a i s q u i e s t t o u c h ? . C l i q u e z i c i p o u r p l u s d e d ? t a i l s .
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^ JCP opposes extension of sanctions against North Korea
Japan’s House of Representatives on November 2 approved the cabinet decision to extend sanctions against North Korea for another six months. The sanctions had been imposed in October 2006 as a measure in response to North Korea’s nuclear test explosion.
The Japanese Communist Party voted against the extension.
JCP Chair Shii Kazuo explained the JCP’s position at a news conference following the vote as follows:
(1) Today, in the National Land, Transportation and Infrastructure Committee meeting, the Committee on Economy and Industry meeting, and the Plenary Session of the House of Representatives, the Japanese Communist Party expressed its opposition to approving the cabinet decision to extend the Japanese sanctions against North Korea, banning North Korean ships from entering Japanese ports and halting all imports from North Korea. I want to explain our basic position on these measures and the North Korean question in general.
(2) The JCP supported these Japanese measures against North Korea when they were imposed in October last year and when they were extended in April this year. We supported these actions because following North Korea’s nuclear test explosion that marked a grave development, we recognized that Japan had reason to invoke its own sanctions aimed at pressing North Korea to return to talks to find a diplomatic resolution of the issue regarding its nuclear programs.
Later, however, a major positive development took place regarding the question of North Korea’s nuclear program. North Korea has begun to implement the initial steps agreed to at the Six-Party Talks in February. At the most recent Six-Party Talks held in October, they agreed to implement measures for the next stage to disable its nuclear facilities and list all its nuclear programs. With this new situation emerging concerning the issue of North Korea’s nuclear program, Japan no longer has a reason to continue sanctions against North Korea. The JCP has taken into account these developments in expressing its present position concerning the question of North Korea.
(3) In my questioning at the Plenary Session of the House of Representatives on October 4, I welcomed the agreement reached in October at the Six-Party Talks as an important step toward making the Korean Peninsula nuclear-free. I stated, “The task now is for the Japanese government to take a lead in the effort to achieve a Korean Peninsula without nuclear weapons through increasing cooperation within this framework in order to achieve Northeast Asian peace and stability which would include Japan’s peace and security.” I also pointed out that in this respect “it is regrettable that the Japanese government is seen by many countries as lacking the will to work on the nuclear issue even though North Korea’s nuclear program is one of the most important issues for Japan.” I also said, “I believe that such a weakness must be overcome decidedly.”
The Japanese government in October last year adopted the two sanctions measures in response to North Korea’s nuclear test explosion. I must point out that at a time when the situation concerning nuclear weapons is improving, a continued imposition of these sanctions could make it difficult for the Japanese government to play an active role in helping to resolve the nuclear issue.
(4) In my questioning in the House of Representatives Plenary Session, I referred to the relations between the abduction issue and the nuclear issue as follows: “It is important to maintain the spirit of the Japan-DPRK Pyongyang Declaration in seeking a comprehensive resolution of all issues, including the nuclear programs, abductions of Japanese nationals, and the settlement of accounts of historical questions. In the process of pursuing a comprehensive resolution, it may be the case that one particular issue would be dealt with ahead of others. A breakthrough in one issue could promote the resolution of the other issues instead of obstructing them. In the ongoing process, if a reasonable solution is found on the issue of nuclear weapons, it could provide new conditions for an early resolution of the abduction issue. ”It is important to maintain this position.
The Japanese government should be called upon to play an active role in resolving the nuclear issue in line with the agreement reached at the Six-Party Talks. This is also important for an early resolution of the abduction issue. We believe it is important to take into account the actual development of the situation in considering the continued imposition of sanctions.
^ Akahata, November 3, 2007
Important landmarks in the life of the party
A historical background to the Palestinian People’s Party
The Palestinian People’s Party is considered from a historical point of view as an extension of the Communist movement in Palestine that was formed in the mid-1920’s. The key dates that had an impact on the development of the party are the same landmarks that affected the lives and course of the Palestinian people.
* In 1947 the party, which worked under the name of the “National Liberation League in Palestine”, was the only Arab Palestinian party that called for the acceptance of the Partition Resolution no. 181, issued by the UN General Assembly, stipulating the establishment of a state for the Palestinian people adjacent to a Jewish state in Palestine. Although the party considered this resolution as unfair to the Palestinian people’s historical right to the land of Mandate Palestine, it nonetheless saw in it a realistic solution that could protect the Palestinian people from dispersion and disaster. The resolution recognized the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination, even if only on part of their homeland. The party viewed the resolution as a means to the end of British colonialism, which was operating under the cover of a mandate in Palestine.
It is well known that resolution 181 was not implemented in relation to its Arab Palestinian component. The Palestinian people were deprived of their right to establish their state; they were dispersed and evicted from their lands which were then torn apart, with one area annexed to Israel and another (the West Bank) annexed to Jordan. The Gaza Strip was retained under Egyptian military administration.
Palestinian communists working through the Jordanian Communist Party and the Palestinian Communist Party in the Gaza Strip, continued to defend the right of the Palestinian people to regain their lands and to exercise their right to self determination, including the right of return for Palestinian refugees in accordance with UN Resolution 194.
* In 1967 Israel committed acts of aggression and occupied all the lands of Palestine, including the West Bank, Arab Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip, in addition to the Sinai in Egypt and the Golan in Syria.
At that point the Palestinian communists were the only people calling for a political solution on the basis of implementing UN Security Council Resolution 242, including guarantees for Israeli withdrawal from all territories occupied in 1967, the resolution of the Palestinian refugee issue, and the right of the Arab Palestinian people to self determination.
* After the October 1973 War, the Palestinian communists supported the UN Security Council Resolution 338, and played a leading role in reinforcing recognition of the Palestine Liberation Organization as the sole and legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. The Palestinian communists called for PLO participation in an international conference on peace in the Middle East and the establishment of an independent Palestinian state within the 1967 borders. In relation to this position, and in order to escalate the levels of struggle against occupation, the communists constituted the Palestinian National Front and the United National Front in Gaza Strip. Later, they were key founders of the national guidance committee, which played a significant role in frustrating the self-rule and alternative leadership project, in addition to their role in leading the national struggle against occupation in the 1970’s and 1980’s.
* In 1982 the Palestinian communists held their first conference, and established the Palestinian Communist Party in the West Bank, Gaza and the Diaspora. They formulated their political program demanding the end of occupation; the securing of the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination; the establishment of an independent Palestinian State in the West Bank and Gaza Strip; and right of return for Palestinian refugees.
* Between 1986 and 1987 the party played an active role in reunifying the PLO. It contributed towards the establishment of the Palestinian Democratic Alliance, which worked relentlessly towards uniting the PLO. In 1987 the Palestinian Communist Party was designated as a full member of the PLO, becoming the first political party to be accepted in its entire status inside the PLO. Other factions inside the PLO at that time were paramilitary groups rather than de-facto political parties.
* At the end of 1987 when the Intifada erupted in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, the party contributed to the formation of the popular committees and the quarter’s committees of the Intifada command. The party was a member of the Unified National Command; it presented a revolutionary and rational position in relation to the goals and scope of the Intifada, stressing that the Intifada conscripted the political program that demands the establishment of the independent Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza strip under the leadership of the PLO (this matter was not accepted by all Palestinian national factions at that time). During the Intifada, the party played a major national role in organizing the various forms of grassroots and popular resistance against the occupation.
* In 1988, the PLO adopted a political program similar to the program of the party, which constituted the basis for the declaration of Palestinian independence and the establishment of a Palestinian state in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, with Arab Jerusalem as its capital. This program opened the way for the PLO for active participation in the political settlement process, including participation in the Madrid Peace Conference.
* In late 1991, the communists conducted a comprehensive review in their second conference, and decided to change the name of the party to the Palestinian People’s Party. However, they maintained their political position calling for establishing a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza strip, and securing the right of return for all refugees and displaced Palestinians through the implementation of UN General Assembly Resolution 194. In its new bylaw, the Palestinian People’s Party stressed the democratic identity of the party. It replaced the principle of centralized democracy with a principle stipulating the basis for directing and organizing the relations amongst party members as broad democracy in the context of the centralized structure of the party. Concerning conditions for membership, the party deemed it adequate to abide by the broad guidelines of the party’s program instead of strictly adhering to the program of the party.
* The circumstances arising from the Gulf War in 1991 led to the party’s approval of the formula for the Madrid Peace Conference, including participation in the actual conference and negotiations. The Palestinian People’s Party viewed the conference as an additional arena for struggle where it could pose its political causes, the humanitarian dimensions of the Palestinian cause, and the goals of the Palestinian national struggle in order to gain the support of Arab and international forces. The party made it clear that its participation in the negotiations would be based on the plan to halt settlements, secure international protection for the Palestinian people, and implement the Geneva Convention in the territories occupied since 1967. The party also called for the formation of a negotiation reference and the collective administration of the negotiations. It called for the introduction of radical democratic reforms in the structure and action methodology within the PLO. The party was also active in recruiting Palestinian national democratic figures and representatives of various social sectors to work on formulating a common approach for national democratic action, which constituted a third distinct line in terms of implementing the goals of Palestinian national struggle for liberation, democracy and progress.
* In September 1993, the Palestinian People’s Party gave its support, with reservations, to the Declaration of Principles - Oslo Accord. It pointed out that this accord could lead the Palestinian people to regain their rights and to the implementation of UN Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338, or it could prevent the Palestinian people from achieving those rights and lead to disaster if the Israeli interpretation of the accord text prevails. The party stressed that a great deal depended in this context to sticking to the Palestinian negotiations plan and the halting of settlements, as well as the extent of solidarity and coordination at the Arab and international levels. The Palestinian People’s Party did not accept the Oslo 2 Accord because it was seen as a translation of the Declaration of Principles -Oslo 1 - which moved away from the implementation of Resolution 242, and thus increased the dangers of blocking the path of progress towards independence. At the same time, the Oslo 2 Accord improved the odds of realizing a solution to the Palestinian cause that did not exceed the borders of self-rule.
* In the relation to the Palestinian Authority, the party distinguished between its position and the position of the other opposition factions that rejected the peace negotiations according to the Madrid formula and the Oslo Accord. The party supported the principle of negotiations, but objected to the method and trend adopted in those negotiations. Later, the Palestinian People’s Party welcomed the establishment of the Authority, but objected to its negotiation performance and administrative pattern. The party demanded the setting of a comprehensive development plan for the economy. It made continuous calls to rectify the operational process. In line with this position, the party refrained from joining the Authority. Succeeding developments, in terms of the holding of general elections for the legislative council and for the president of the authority at the beginning of 1996, along with the evasion methods used by the Israeli government not to implement the interim agreements with the final-status negotiations looming, pushed the leadership of the party to take a decision to respond positively to calls by President Arafat to join the Authority. In mid 1996, the Likud Party gained power in Israel, launching an attack against the agreements signed and against the rights of Palestinian people for liberation and independence; the Likud Party also escalated settlement-building activities. This major development within Israel reinforced the position of the Palestinian People’s Party in terms of joining the Authority and in stressing the need for the Authority to rectify its general approach towards comprehensive national unity. The party view was that the Authority needs to reinforce its ties with various social sectors within a democratic context, and to embark on a plan for internal reform and correction of administrative performance, in addition to strengthening the internal front and preparing it for confronting the various options.
* Following the September 1996 popular uprising, the Palestinian People’s Party stated in a political message issued on November 3 that the rising levels of resistance amongst the masses must be supported by a stringent political position from National Authority and all national forces and sectors. It pointed out that this uprising proved the failure of Zionist propaganda about the possibility of creating coexistence between the National Authority and the continuation of occupation and military and settlement control. The party also called for reinforcing popular participation in the decision-making process. It stated that an early broad campaign should be held to prepare for the declaration of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and to consider the Israeli occupation as an occupation of parts of that state, and campaign for the widest possible recognition of the state.
* Regarding the Palestinian state, the Central Committee of the Palestinian People’s Party reaffirmed in May 1998 that the aggressive expansionist settlement policies of the Netanyahu government aimed at imposing a solution that does not exceed the context of a limited self rule on limited parts of the land - cantons surrounded by settlements, bypass roads and military camps that might be called a state- but that in reality it would be far from being an independent sovereign entity. The Central Committee issued a statement under the title “The Declaration of the Independent State is the goal of all the Palestinian People”, calling for the mobilization of national efforts and energies towards a broad national consensus that will outline the practical steps on both the internal and external fronts, that will make the declaration of the state a goal over which all the populace agree and fight for.
* On August 15, 1998, the Politburo of the Palestinian People’s Party announced, following the new ministerial formation which came after the reports of corruption and the collective resignation of the Palestinian government, that it does not consider itself a representative or participatory in that government, and therefore cannot assume any responsibility in its performance. In a later statement issued by the Central Committee in September of the same year, it was stressed that the new ministerial formation was aimed to basically contain the opposition in the legislative council, and created new obstacles to the efforts to separate the three authorities. The statement said that the new cabinet did not reflect the need to conduct a comprehensive review and to start a major reform process that could address the causes that led the previous cabinet to resign.
* In the current phase, the Palestinian People’s Party calls for a comprehensive review of the entire negotiation process and the performance of the Palestinian National Authority. This review process should result in a political plan to rectify the current path of the negotiations and lay down the foundations for effective administration of the PA. The party also calls for a broad national alliance for confronting the strategies of the Israeli government, which backtracks from implementing the signed agreements and attempts to impose plans that will lead to the seizure of the majority of the Palestinian lands. This will in turn reinforce the concept of limited self rule as the final solution of the Palestinian cause. The party is therefore working on forming a broad national democratic approach as an alternative to rejectionist and surrendering trends. The unity of the Palestinian people, the steadfastness of their internal front in the face of settlement expansion policy, and the demand for the implementation of international legitimacy resolutions, especially resolutions 242 and 338, together with the struggle based on Arab and international support, constitute the basic tool with which to make the Israeli government abide by the peace process with its terms of reference and final goals. If not, the Israeli government bears responsibility for the collapse of the peace process.
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Palestinian People's Party